scholarly journals Political Dynasty in Eye of the Community (Sociological Study of Political Awareness in Bima Regency Election 2020)

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
M Chairul Basrun Umanailo

The practice of dynastic politics in Bima Regency is a long drama of concentration of power during the last 20 years, where the last four periods of leadership were controlled by the royal family. The study of political dynasties is not related to a blue-blooded leader or not, but rather about the control of power in a particular family, but it happens that the families who practice dynastic politics in Bima are people from the royal family/sultanate who have indeed reigned in the sultanate. Bima, or to be more precise, the political actors of the dynasty in Bima were the sultan and his wife and children. This research uses qualitative methods with a qualitative descriptive approach. Sources of data in this study are the people of Bolo District who will become voters in the 2020 Pemilukada of Bima Regency. Sampling was based on purposive sampling technique. Data collection techniques are interviews, observation and documentation. The analysis technique used is an interactive analysis model, while the validity of the data uses the source triangulation technique. Dynastic politics in Bima Regency was done by using the image of the sultanate as cultural legitimacy. The Bima community, who were still at the Magis consciousness level, smoothed their steps in getting votes in the contestation for the regent election, even people at this level of awareness became very easy to exploit. The next advantage of the practice of dynastic politics in Bima is that most of the opposition elites are still trapped in a naïve level of awareness where the opposition group does not consider how to take strategic steps to overthrow the great power of the political dynasty. The opposition must accept defeat because it is unable to gather resources to overthrow its political opponents. This can be seen from how the opposition factions were divided into factions which made them weak.

2017 ◽  
Vol II (1) ◽  
pp. 21-43
Author(s):  
MakiRessan Abdullah Mamori ◽  
Syed Inam ur Rahman

Media in Iraq after 2003 has become very effervescent in providing useful information to the people. In this research the political perspective of media information was studied where it was gauged that how media is creating awareness among masses of Iraq, as news talk shows have become integral part of electronic media in the world and it has established its trustworthiness. The researcher desires to assess the altitude of opinionated standards and level of consciousness about political contribution footed on the information about the Iraqi educated youngsters and the influence upon them by TV talk shows regarding politics. The quantitative method is used in this study. Universe for the present study consists of the general youth living in Baghdad. The researcher has selected 200 samples from Baghdad, the capital of Iraq. The researcher used the non-probability sampling technique with random selection method to fulfill the requirement of data gathering from the targeted audience. A well-designed questionnaire is used in this research study as a tool for the data collection. For data analysis the SPSS software for social science research is used. The outcomes of this study show that those viewers who watch talk shows have better culture and political knowledge than those who do not watch talk shows.


Author(s):  
Hassan Shah ◽  
Ashfaq U. Rehman ◽  
Wajid Mehmood

Vote bank of almost all the political parties in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa (KP) is fluctuating in every general election. It is believed that a significant ratio of floating voters exists in KP. These voters play a significant role as key deciders in every general election. But the basic question is "who are the floating voters and how do they influence the outcomes of the general elections in KP? This study is an attempt to test the floating voters’ hypothesis in KP. For testing this hypothesis, a four variable scale that includes, decision to vote; political awareness; satisfaction from the performance of the political party and interest in political and/or party affairs is used. Data collection is done through a closed-ended survey questionnaire and a multi-stage sampling technique is used for this purpose. Data is collected from three geographical regions of KP i.e., North, Centre, and South. The study population is total voters of KP, and a representative sample of 1200 respondents is determined through a statistical formula. Chi-Square test is used for the correlations of independent and dependent variables. The analysis of data confirmed the "floating voters’ hypothesis" and identified a significant ratio of floating voters in the KP.


2021 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 15
Author(s):  
Rena Juliana ◽  
Reni Juliani ◽  
Nurkhalis Nurkhalis

Indonesia adheres to a democratic system of government. Each citizen, on the basis of the choice of ordinary people, chooses free political participation and then changes their direction as a sympathizer. Today, the excitement of political participation in Indonesian society to spread on Aceh has been somewhat hurt because some people have changed the political climate to be bad. This is reflected in the previous political participation side by side to deliver rhetoric to reap the voice of the people, but it has become a competition for each other. The purpose of this study is to find out what types of political participation occurred in constituents in Banda Aceh and West Aceh and who are the actors or groups that weaken or strengthen political participation in the constituents. The research method used is a qualitative approach with informants consisting of key informants, subject informants and non-subject informants. The results showed that the types of political participation in the constituents of Banda Aceh and West Aceh were very different and that sympathizers and political actors continued to strengthen and weaken the constituents. It is expected that this research will be a comparative study of the dynamics of policy in the Aceh region.


2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 177-191
Author(s):  
Djoni Gunanto

Abstract In the body of political parties in Indonesia, it cannot be denied that there are oligarchies that can affect the nomination and candidacy mechanisms so that they do not work as they should. nomination of candidates by political parties is often based on the wishes of the political party elite, not based on the quality and integrity of the candidates. Political dynasties strengthen networks of power from the regional to the central level, whose orientation is to maintain power within political parties. The purpose of this research is to reveal comprehensively about the developing political dynasties in Indonesia. This research method is a literature review study, by exploring legal products, journals, articles, and documents. The data collection technique is done by noting literature sources. The research analysis was carried out using a qualitative approach using the content analysis model. The results of the study, political dynasties in Indonesia were carried out in two ways: by design and by accident. The political dynasty by design has been around for a long time. Relatively, the network of familism in government is already strong, so that relatives who enter the government or participate in political contestation have been arranged in such a way as to engineer the success of their goals. As for the political dynasty by accident occurs in a situation of succession of government which suddenly nominates relatives to replace them in order to maintain informal power over their successors if they win in political contestation. Dynastic politics can actually be accepted and not questioned as long as the recruitment and selection system for candidates in political contestation in Indonesia runs fairly and professionally. Therefore, the determination of candidates or candidates in political contestation in Indonesia must be based on a meritocratic system, which gives more rights to anyone with good achievements and track records to occupy strategic seats in government. Keywords: Politics, Dynasty, Candidate, regional elections Abstrak Di tubuh partai politik di Indonesia tidak dapat dipungkiri adanya oligarki yang dapat mempengaruhi mekanisme pencalonan dan kandidasi sehingga tidak berjalan sebagaimana mestinya. pencalonan kandidat oleh partai politik seringkali seringkali berdasarkan keinginan elit partai politik, bukan berdasarkan kualitas dan integritas calon. Dinasti politik memperkuat jaringan kekuasaan mulai dari tingkat daerah hingga pusat, yang orientasinya mempertahankan kekuasaan dalam tubuh partai politik. Tujuan penelitian, ini untuk mengungkap secara komprehensif tentang dinasti politik yang berkembang di Indonesia. Metode Penelitian ini merupakan studi literature review, dengan menelusuri produk hukum, jurnal, artikel, dan dokumen-dokumen. Teknik pengumpulan data dilakukan dengan mencatat sumber literatur. Analisis penelitian dilakukan menggunakan pedekatan kualitatif dengan menggunakan model analisis isi. Hasil Penelitian, Dinasti politik di Indonesia dilakukan dengan dua cara: by design dan by accident. Dinasti politik by design telah terbentuk sejak lama. Secara relasi, jejaring familisme dalam pemerintahan sudah kuat, sehingga kerabat yang masuk dalam pemerintahan atau terjun dalam kontestasi politik sudah diatur sedemikian rupa untuk merekayasa keberhasilan tujuannya. Adapun dinasti politik by accident terjadi dalam situasi suksesi pemerintahan yang secara tiba-tiba mencalonkan kerabat untuk menggantikannya demi menjaga kekuasaan informal erhadap penggantinya jika menang dalam kontestasi politik Kesimpulan. Politik dinasti sejatinya bisa diterima dan tidak dipersoalkan selama dalam pelaksanaan sistem perekrutan dan pemilihan calon dalam kontestasi politik di Indonesia berjalan secara adil dan profesional. Oleh karenanya, penentuan calon atau kandidat dalam kontestasi politik di Indonesia harus didasarkan pada sistem meritokrasi, yakni memberikan hak lebih kepada siapapun yang memiliki prestasi dan track record yang baik untuk menduduki kursi-kursi strategis dalam pemerintahan. Kata Kunci: Partai, Politik, Dinasti, Kandidat, Pilkada


Society ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 372-389
Author(s):  
Kustiawan Kustiawan ◽  
Rumzi Samin

This research aims to examine primordialism and voting behavior of Malay ethnic during the 2005-2015 Riau Islands governor election (Pemilihan Gubernur or Pilgub). The political phenomenon in Riau Islands seems to be different from other areas where other Malays dominate since non-Malay ethnic candidates won the governor election. This research used a qualitative method with a descriptive technique. The data were collected using in-depth interviews and direct observation. Informants were selected using a purposive sampling technique. The result found that people of Malay ethnic are open-minded. The candidates elected also can prove qualified personal and successfully leading the Malay ethnic people in moving ahead. Non-Malay ethnic won the Riau Islands (known as Kepri (Kepulauan Riau)) governor election determined by 1) The political identity of Malay ethnic people is open-minded, coexisting Islamic identity, speaking Malay language, practicing Malay culture, and committing to build and develop Malay ethnic people, so the candidates identified as part of Malay ethnic people and considered by the Malay ethnic people as a candidate for leader of the Malay people in a broadening sense; 2) the figure of candidates can socialize with people of Malay ethnic; 3) other minority ethnics and political parties supported the candidates. Native Malay candidates were failed due to the lack of contribution to the people of Malay ethnic in particular and the Riau Islands in general.


2020 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 58
Author(s):  
Lydiana Salim ◽  
Akhmad Ramdhon

<p>The May 1998 riots that occurred were the result of a collection of political, social and economic events that occurred during the New Order. Events of the May 1998 riots in the city of Surakarta had a great influence on the lives of the victims. In the aftermath of the May 1998 riots, several victims were declared traumatized to the extent of damaging their homes and businesses. The purpose of this study was to determine the chronology of the May 1998 riots and analyze the dynamics of the May 1998 riots in the city of Surakarta. The theory in this research is the Conflict theory from Ralf Dahrendorf. This type of research is a qualitative research with an ethnographic approach in the city of Surakarta. The sampling technique with snowball sampling technique. The research informants consisted of student activists and formal organizations, journalists, religious leaders and victims of the May 1998 incident. Data were collected by observation, in-depth interviews and documentation. To test data validity with source triangulation. The data analysis technique uses an interactive analysis model from Miles and Huberman.<strong> </strong>The results showed that the May 1998 riots which occurred for two days caused damage and material losses. Mass amok movements occur regularly by doing damage, looting to arson in every corner of the city. After the May 1998 riots, the city's economic sector did not work. Some entrepreneurs were forced to stop production for a while due to the damage they experienced. Post-disaster economic reconstruction is carried out by the government and community groups by providing assistance to victims. From social conditions, after the May 1998 riots some victims decided to flee to areas that were safe from conflict. After the riots of May 1998 victims were pressured by the community in the form of negative stigma. Discomfort and fear experienced by the people after the riots began to be addressed by involving religious institutions. Religious institutions work together in creating communication forums between communities. in terms of the psychological condition of the people after the riots, some victims experienced trauma from witnessing firsthand the atrocities that occurred.<strong></strong></p>


2019 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 93
Author(s):  
Partahi Nando Sirait

Technology in the development of the flow of production, consumption and distribution of information becomes vital. The urgency of the role of technology in information masification is also used by mass media, especially electronic mass media such as television. The development of electronic mass media to date, is also increasingly promising for all parties, not apart from the political elite who use or cooperate with the mass media crew in presenting various programs. Not only that, the news program was no less interesting to most political actors in order to generate opinions among the people themselves. As in the presidential election some time ago, the role of mass media and its news program succeeded in changing people's attitudes towards the figure of a presidential candidate. The problems and use of electronic mass media are considered to be enough to attract sympathy from the public, where in the news program on television the public can see and hear directly what is done and spoken by the political elite. And this can also give rise to responses to opinions in the community.


1995 ◽  
Vol 37 (3) ◽  
pp. 415-444 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ørnulf Gulbrandsen

In the face of the dominating tradition of British structural functionalism, anthropological studies of political leadership represented an important move towards accounting for the dynamics of centralized, as well as acephalous, polities (for example, Barth 1959 and Baily 1970; cf. Schapera 1956). Moreover, in focusing upon political actors and, by extension, political relations, these studies necessarily took account of the role of the subjects. Yet, despite Gluckman's innovative notion of “rituals of rebellion” (1954; cf. Beidelman 1966), the issue of political leadership has rarely focused upon the political dynamics of the ruler-subject relationship, examining the concerns and responses of those who more or less voluntarily subject themselves to an authority figure. Even such an important contribution as Succession to High Office (Goody 1966) completely ignores this issue.


Author(s):  
Ayokunle Olumuyiwa Omobowale

From May 29 1999, Nigeria joined the comity of ‘democratic’ nations once again, with the commencement of the Fourth Republic. Whereas, democracy is expected to be a platform for order, fairplay, justice, equality, the protection of human rights, etc., Nigeria’s democracy has, however, not been devoid of violence, which invariably seemingly negates its very essence. Focusing on happenings during the 2007 general elections, the paper investigates the political instrumentalization of violence in Ibadan, Nigeria. Both secondary and primary data were collected for the study through the review of relevant literature and oral interview with selected political actors identified through purposive sampling method. The signal that political events in Ibadan show is that of a pseudo-democratic system ‘sustained’ by violence rather that one primarily aimed at improving the welfare of the people. It is a system the political class craves for in order to gain access to state resources to finance patronage, patrimonialism and for personal gains. This is why violence has to be used to silence the opposition and actualize primitive and exploitative acquisition. Thus, what the 2007 General Elections have brought forth for Ibadan in particular, and Oyo state in general, is a system sustained by hoodlums for the sake of the political class and not the electorate.


Author(s):  
Krisna Yuda I Wayan ◽  
Subanda Nyoman

This study aims to determine the political phenomena of women in a patriarchal culture in Gianyar Regency, Bali and to find out the perception of the community in Gianyar Regency, Bali on women's representation in the 2019 legislative elections. This study uses a descriptive qualitative approach. The sampling technique in determining informants used the purposive sampling method. Data collection is done through observation. Interview and documentation study. The results showed that the phenomenon of patriarchal culture influenced the political participation of women in Gianyar Regency, Bali. The low representation of women legislative members is due to the patriarchal culture which is still thick in Bali, especially the people in Gianyar Regency. Patriarchal culture is a major obstacle that hinders the political participation of Balinese women. Also, there are besides several other factors such as education and public understanding of the use of political rights for each community, the limitations of information media, human resources, and financial resources, cause the low participation of women in politics.


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