Khomeini’s Concept of Wilâyat Al-Faqîh and Its Influence on the Contemporary Indonesian Islamic Thought

TAJDID ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 25 (1) ◽  
pp. 33
Author(s):  
Hasan Bisri

The concept of wilâyat al-faqîh from Imam Khomeini was one of the products of Islamic thought. It has revive discourse on Islamic studies in various parts of the Islamic world. It is not only become a threat to the status quo of the Muslim rulers, in fact it has been raising the academic and scholarly discussion in the forums of national, regional, and international levels. The influence of  the concept of wilâyat al-faqîh from Imam Khomeini to contemporary Islamic thought in Indonesia looked on discourse about the relation between religion and state. Indeed, the debate on religion-state relations have long occurred in Indonesia, but in academic discourse becomes increasingly crowded since the concept of wilâyat al-faqîh serve as the basis for the establishment of the Islamic State of Iran by Imam Khomeini. Effect the concept of wilâyat al-faqîh in contemporary Indonesian Islamic thought encouraged by the publication of books by/about Imam Khoemini and about Shia in general and the development of Shi'i institutions in Indonesia.

2017 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 1-21
Author(s):  
Edi Gunawan

This paper examines religious and state relations of Islamic thought perspective. This study aims to describe how the relationship between religion and state in the view of Islam. The method used in obtaining data is descriptive method through literature study. The results of the study show that among Muslim figures or thinkers such as Nurcholish Madjid and Abdur Rahman Wahid agree that there is a constructive relationship between state and religion which by revivalists separates it. Some of the indicators are: (1) Islam gives the principles of the formation of a state with the concept of khalīfah ,dawlah, or hukūmah, (2) Islam emphasizes the democratic values of truth and justice, and (3) Islam upholds Human Rights by stating that the basic rights that human beings bring ever since they are born are the right of religious freedom. Therefore, Islam essentially emphasizes the importance of human rights to be upheld in a state, because human rights are rights that should not be disturbed and deprived from the person who has the right.


2019 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-12
Author(s):  
Agung Joko Prasetyo ◽  
Frissilya Angelina

ISIS is a radical group in the name of Islam as a reference in acting, becomes a hot topic in the status quo due to the impact of its actions that can destroy and divide the Indonesian nation. The interance of ISIS is by the recruitment of closest people or family because in this way it is considered very effective in influencing. ISIS which enter Indonesia is mostly brought directly by Indonesian itself who previously lived/ worked abroad and has been indoctrinated with ISIS radical and with government regulations that forbid Indonesian citizens from being refused entry into their own countries making the spread of the Islamic State much more difficult to prevent and control their existence. It is stated in the Immigration Act which prohibits its citizens from being denied entry. It is a Government, especially the Directorate General of Immigration job, who has direct authority to regulate the crossing of every person entering and leaving Indonesian territory. Some challenges that are often found such as the use of "rat track" and the lack of supervision time at Immigration Border Control which is one of the challenges for the Immigration itself. Therefore, by upholding the conception of human rights which refers to the limitations on the sorting for every person who enters and exits the country is expected to maximize of surveillance and can reduce the impact of the ISIS understanding entry of the Pancasila Ideology, culture, public trust, especially Nation sovereignty.Keywords: Indonesian, Human Rights, Deterrence.  


2018 ◽  
Vol 52 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Timothy A. Van Aarde

The recent development of the Islamic State (ISIS 2010–2014 and IS 2014) is a radicalisation of the relation between religion and state in Islam. The relation of religion and state to Christianity has been shaped by the philosophy of dualism and Greek thought in the West. The relation of religion and state in Islam, however, has been shaped by a completely different tradition and conflicting view than Western thought and is based on the codified system of Shari’a law in Arabic thought. One of the most debated topics in Islamic studies is the inseparable nature of religion and state in Islam and the role of Shari’a law to the state. In the West the historical debate concerns the indiscriminate blending of church and state and the separation of church and state as indispensable to democracy and the modern question of the relation of Christian morality and public law. Islamic fundamentalism is a political and religious reform movement that indiscriminately blends the political and religious.


2013 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 51-78 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rachel M. Scott

AbstractThis article questions the assumption that — prior to July 2013 when the Egyptian military removed former President Mursi from power — the Muslim Brotherhood was in the process of implementing an Islamic state that would have involved a reversal of secularization and an upheaval to the status quo in terms of fundamental shifts in institutions and legal categories. Rather, the article argues that the Muslim Brotherhood evolved to embrace secularism of a certain sort-a statism in which it is the state that determines the boundaries of religion and politics. It illustrates this by looking at the role the Muslim Brotherhood envisaged for the Supreme Constitutional Court — and how this relates to the religious scholars of al-Azhar — in the formulation of legislation and in the assessment of whether legislation conforms to Article 2 of the constitution, both the 1971 one and the 2012 one, which was suspended in July 2013. In addition, the article will show how the Muslim Brotherhood has defined the public order with a particular focus on the idea of the Islamic “framework,” the rights of non-Muslim minorities, and personal status law.


Sociology ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 54 (6) ◽  
pp. 1141-1158
Author(s):  
Aslak-Antti Oksanen

Indigenous peoples have found the nationalist language of peoples’ inherent right to self-determination helpful in articulating their political demands. Gerald Taiaiake Alfred’s model of indigenous nationalism explains the emergence of this form of indigenous self-assertion as a reaction to settler-colonial incursions. However, it cannot account for the timing of its recent successes in unsettling the status quo of indigenous–settler-state relations. This article addresses this limitation by incorporating Michael Keating’s concept of post-sovereignty, which highlights the supranational plane constraining states’ freedom of action, while providing indigenous peoples with laws and norms above state level to appeal to. Additionally, Keating’s concept of plurinationalism is drawn upon to capture the emerging reconfiguration of indigenous–settler-state relations. This combined conceptual framework is used to illuminate the Sámi people’s relations to the Nordic states as expressive of emergent indigenous nationalism, formed in reaction to settler-colonialism and enabled by international norms, laws and global indigenous peoples’ networks.


Significance The poll, due last year, was delayed because of the fight against Islamic State and the fallout from the disastrous September 2017 independence referendum. The vote came shortly before a breakthrough at Iraqi federal level allowed the appointment of a new Iraqi president (by custom a Kurd), even though the Kurdish parties failed to agree on a candidate. Impacts The two main parties will run the Kurdistan region as a duopoly from their respective local power bases. Economic reforms will gain momentum, improving investment prospects and internal stability. The KRG will slowly work with a pro-Kurdish Iraqi prime minister to address fraught questions around its federal position.


2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 63-73
Author(s):  
Zahid Shahab Ahmed

Soon after its declaration as an Islamic Republic in 1956, Islamists have experienced numerous ups and downs in Pakistan. Islamists not only try to maintain the status quo of the Islamic state but also endeavour to expand the scope of sharia. Despite insignificant achievements in elections, Islamists have mostly been able to dictate civilian and military governments in matters of national identity. One of the greatest challenges for the promotion of pluralism is the Islamists’ anti-secular narrative, which holds significant backing from both the civil and the military elites. The goal of this paper is to analyse such narrative with reference to Pakistan’s continuous struggle for national identity. ‘The analyses propose that anti-secular voices are occupying centre stage in Pakistan, leaving little room for diverse opinions. Anti-secular groups use violence as a tool to silence any opposition against their ideology for Pakistan, which is evident by regular attacks on not only the religious minorities but also the moderate or liberal Muslim thinkers. The conflict over national identity between extremists and moderates is also one of the main causes of rising violent extremism in Pakistan.  


2015 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 7-30 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tuula Sakaranaho ◽  
Tuomas Martikainen

The questions of how western European states have related, and should relate, to their Muslim populations have in recent decades generated a rapidly growing body of research, aimed at answering the above questions from different theoretical perspectives. It has been argued that the main problem with the existing theories is their failure to take into account historically evolved church–state relations that have a bearing on the way that Muslim religious practices are accommodated in a given country. In order to test this argument, we will examine the representational structures of Muslims in Finland and the Republic of Ireland as well as questions pertaining to Islam and education. Even if under different legal arrangements of church–state relations, both Finland and Ireland have opted for a policy where they aim at securing the status quo of a dominant national church while also extending some of the legal privileges enjoyed by the mainstream church to religious minorities. What we will demonstrate in our article is that while this kind of “policy of extended privileges” can work for, it can also function against securing the rights of religious minorities such as Muslims.


Author(s):  
Shirvani Foroud

This chapter focuses on the role of the Guardian Council, an institution recognized as one of the main pillars of the Islamic government in Iran. Its religious-theoretical fundaments can be found in the doctrine of the Islamic state, the enforcement of the Islamic law, and the supervisory function of the clerical jurists. Under constitutional law, the task of the Guardian Council follows from the general rule in Art. 4 of the Iranian Constitution, which defines the Islamization of the legal system as a leading principle. In practice, the Council has often acted as an instance defending the status quo and has blocked the initiatives of a reform-minded parliament.


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