scholarly journals IMMIGRATION DETERRENCE AGAINST INDONESIAN WHO AFFECTED BY RADICAL EXPERIENCES: ANALYSIS IN THE CONCEPT OF HUMAN RIGHTS

2019 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-12
Author(s):  
Agung Joko Prasetyo ◽  
Frissilya Angelina

ISIS is a radical group in the name of Islam as a reference in acting, becomes a hot topic in the status quo due to the impact of its actions that can destroy and divide the Indonesian nation. The interance of ISIS is by the recruitment of closest people or family because in this way it is considered very effective in influencing. ISIS which enter Indonesia is mostly brought directly by Indonesian itself who previously lived/ worked abroad and has been indoctrinated with ISIS radical and with government regulations that forbid Indonesian citizens from being refused entry into their own countries making the spread of the Islamic State much more difficult to prevent and control their existence. It is stated in the Immigration Act which prohibits its citizens from being denied entry. It is a Government, especially the Directorate General of Immigration job, who has direct authority to regulate the crossing of every person entering and leaving Indonesian territory. Some challenges that are often found such as the use of "rat track" and the lack of supervision time at Immigration Border Control which is one of the challenges for the Immigration itself. Therefore, by upholding the conception of human rights which refers to the limitations on the sorting for every person who enters and exits the country is expected to maximize of surveillance and can reduce the impact of the ISIS understanding entry of the Pancasila Ideology, culture, public trust, especially Nation sovereignty.Keywords: Indonesian, Human Rights, Deterrence.  

TAJDID ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 25 (1) ◽  
pp. 33
Author(s):  
Hasan Bisri

The concept of wilâyat al-faqîh from Imam Khomeini was one of the products of Islamic thought. It has revive discourse on Islamic studies in various parts of the Islamic world. It is not only become a threat to the status quo of the Muslim rulers, in fact it has been raising the academic and scholarly discussion in the forums of national, regional, and international levels. The influence of  the concept of wilâyat al-faqîh from Imam Khomeini to contemporary Islamic thought in Indonesia looked on discourse about the relation between religion and state. Indeed, the debate on religion-state relations have long occurred in Indonesia, but in academic discourse becomes increasingly crowded since the concept of wilâyat al-faqîh serve as the basis for the establishment of the Islamic State of Iran by Imam Khomeini. Effect the concept of wilâyat al-faqîh in contemporary Indonesian Islamic thought encouraged by the publication of books by/about Imam Khoemini and about Shia in general and the development of Shi'i institutions in Indonesia.


Author(s):  
Allen Buchanan

This chapter helps to confirm the explanatory power of the naturalistic theory of moral progress outlined in previous chapters by making two main points. First, it shows that the theory helps to explain how and why the modern human rights movement arose when it did. Second, it shows that the advances in inclusiveness achieved by the modern human rights movement depended upon the fortunate coincidence of a constellation of contingent cultural and economic conditions—and that it is therefore a dangerous mistake to assume that continued progress must occur, or even that the status quo will not substantially deteriorate. This chapter also helps to explain a disturbing period of regression (in terms of the recognition of equal basic status) that occurred between the success of British abolitionism and the founding of the modern human rights movement at the end of World War II.


2015 ◽  
Vol 14 (4) ◽  
pp. 315-336 ◽  
Author(s):  
Zhenhua Su ◽  
Yang Cao ◽  
Jingkai He ◽  
Waibin Huang

Existing studies have traced China’s high political trust to three sources: traditional culture, the state’s success in fostering economic growth, and ideological propaganda. We identify a fourth source: perceived social mobility. We argue that when people perceive a reasonable chance for upward mobility based on personal initiatives and efforts, the status quo becomes more justifiable because individuals are responsible for their own successes and failures. Perceived social mobility thus instills a sense of optimism and fairness and exonerates the regime from many blames, thereby enhancing political trust. Regression analysis of the China portion of the 2007 World Values Survey data shows that respondents who saw themselves as having choices and control in life were indeed more likely to trust the ruling communist party. The respondents’ overall level of perceived social mobility is also high, which is consistent with the massive shake-up of the preexisting social order in China’s reform era.


2019 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-16
Author(s):  
Safrida Safrida

The government, through the Directorate General of Immigration, an Indonesian government agency under the Ministry of Law and Human Rights, has carried out one of its duties and functions, namely the supervision and control of foreigners residing in Indonesian territory, based on Law Number 6, 2011 concerning Immigration. The supervision or control is carried out to enforce the law, especially the immigration law. The class II Lhokseumawe Immigration Office in the Aceh province, which is the technical implementation unit for immigration in the region, has carried out its duties and functions of monitoring and controlling foreigners in its working area since the release of regulation No. 6, 2011. The results of this study reported that the implementation of supervision of foreigners at the Lhokseumawe Immigration Office has been carried out properly based on the regulation concerning Immigration and Regulation of the Minister of Law and Human Rights. But some constraints are still encountered, particularly lack of supervisory staff number, the width of the working area, and the limited budget. The author's suggestion should be that the implementation of supervision and control of foreigners at this working area should be carried out as often as possible and at the same time, the stakeholder (government) should resolve the obstacles met by staffs so that the immigration law enforcement can be achieved and improved.


2020 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 125-148
Author(s):  
Alice Donald ◽  
Debra Long ◽  
Anne-Katrin Speck

Abstract Assessing the extent to which states have implemented the decisions of supranational human rights bodies is a challenging task. It requires supranational bodies—be they judicial, quasi-judicial or political—to create an evidence-based public record of the status quo of implementation at any point in time and determine whether the measures taken do, in fact, satisfy the requirements of the decision. This, in turn, relies upon states engaging in good faith, victims having a voice, and civil society organizations seizing the opportunity to influence the follow-up process. Using empirical data from interviews in selected states in the African, Inter-American and European regions, and within regional and United Nations bodies, this article argues that in no human rights ‘system’ are all these expectations met, in part because follow-up work is inadequately resourced. It argues that supranational bodies should proactively seek out diverse sources of information and adopt more transparent and responsive working methods so as to enable ‘real time’ participation by all interested parties. The article concludes with recommendations for supranational bodies, and state and non-state actors.


2017 ◽  
Vol 15 (3/4) ◽  
pp. 596-608
Author(s):  
Ahmed Mansoor ◽  
Manu Luksch

In May 2016, artist, researcher and activist, Manu Luksch, travelled to the United Arab Emirates (USE) to conduct research on ‘smart city’ initiatives in the region, and also to interview renowned human rights defender, Ahmed Mansoor. In March 2017, Mansoor was re-arrested, and on May 28th 2017, he was sentenced to 10 years’ imprisonment. Organisations like Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch and many others are campaigning for his release and #FreeAhmed has become a call online and on the streets in the form of graffiti and posters. Meanwhile the UAE has been one of 4 Gulf states, led by Saudi Arabia, who have extended their authoritarian campaign against dissidence beyond their borders to target other states who they regard as threatening the status quo, in particular the small but very wealthy state of Qatar, home of the Al-Jazeera news network that has, like Mansoor, championed opposition movements in the Middle-East. In this context, Surveillance & Society decided it was important to publish this interview almost in full as it gives unique insight into the personal and professional experience of a human rights defender in an authoritarian state that is at the same time extremely wealthy, technologically advanced and highly integrated into global capitalism.


Author(s):  
Isabelle Torrance

Abstract Tom Paulin’s Greek tragedies present extremes of bodily abjection in order to service of a politics of resistance that is tied, in each case, to the political context of the drama’s production. The Riot Act (1984), Seize the Fire (1989), and Medea (2010), share a focus on the degradation of oppressed political groups and feature characters who destabilize the status quo. Yet the impact of disruptive political actions is not ultimately made clear. We are left wondering at the conclusion of each tragedy if the momentous acts of defiance we have witnessed have any power to create systemic change within politically rigged systems. The two 1980s plays are discussed together and form a sequence, with The Riot Act overtly addressing the Northern Irish conflict and Seize the Fire encompassing a broader sweep of oppressive regimes. The politics of discrimination in Medea are illuminated by comparison with similar themes in Paulin’s Love’s Bonfire (2010). Unlike other Northern Irish adaptations of Greek tragedy, Paulin’s dramas, arrested in their political moments, present little hope for the immediate future. Yet in asking us to consider if individual sacrifice is enough to achieve radical change they maintain an open channel for political discourse.


2021 ◽  
Vol 235 ◽  
pp. 02046
Author(s):  
Chun Feng ◽  
Fei Lei ◽  
Zhijun Luo

With its advantages of low cost and high efficiency, e-commerce is not only favored by ordinary consumers, but also effectively promotes SMEs to find business opportunities and win the market. This article starts with the development scale of China’s e-commerce industry and the status quo of export trade, and measures the overall index of China’s e-commerce industry development level from 2008 to 2018 through empirical methods to analyze its impact on China’s export trade. The results show that the development level of the e-commerce industry has a significant positive impact on China’s export trade. Finally, it analyzes the existing problems in the development of China’s e-commerce industry.


2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (4) ◽  
Author(s):  
Ainan Zhu ◽  
Xia Li

Based on "government micro-blog" and "government tiktok" of Chinese Police Online, this paper collects data with the help of Octopus Collector and Python, then studies the status quo of Chinese police on-line through two new government media platforms: Weibo and Weibo public security organs to use new media to carry out government propaganda and public opinion guidance and control work.


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