scholarly journals O discurso do terrorismo no pós Segunda Guerra Mundial e suas consequências na Ditadura Militar da Argentina (1976 – 1983)

2019 ◽  
Vol 2 (3) ◽  
pp. 31-44
Author(s):  
Heloisa Cristina Ribeiro

Resumo: A Ditadura Militar da Argentina deixou diversas marcas em sua sociedade. Respaldado pelo discurso da ameaça comunista e pelo suposto terrorismo de esquerda, o golpe foi deflagrado em março de 1976; iniciou-se aí um período que ficou conhecido como “Terrorismo de Estado” que se prolongou até 1983. Tendo em vista essas duas narrativas completamente opostas que se relacionam com a palavra “terrorismo”, o presente artigo aplica a Teoria Crítica das Relações Internacionais buscando-se a resposta: existia o terrorismo revolucionário ou o terrorismo de Estado?  É possível que tenha existido os dois? E a pergunta mais importante: o que é o Terrorismo? Trata-se, portanto, de um jogo de perguntas e respostas, fazendo uso uma categoria – terrorismo – e um discurso que ora é aplicado por um lado, ora por outro. Abstract: The Military Dictatorship in Argentina left several marks in its society. Under the speech of the communist threat and by supposed left-wing terrorism, the coup d’état took place in March of 1976; after this, it has started a period that is known as “State Terrorism” that has ended only in 1983. In view of these two completely opposite narratives that are related to the word "terrorism", this article applies the Critical Theory of International Relations seeking the answer: was there revolutionary terrorism or state terrorism? Is it possible that the two have existed? And the most important question: What is Terrorism? It is, therefore, a question-and-answer game, using a category - terrorism - and a speech that is sometimes applied to one side or the other.

Author(s):  
Iván Silva Gatta

Resumen:Este artículo es una aproximación a la temática del golpe militar de 1973 y la experiencia de la izquierda chilena (la Unidad Popular y el MIR) en los primeros años de dictadura (1973 -1977). Específicamente daremos cuenta de cuáles fueron las caracterizaciones, interpretaciones y/o lecturas tempranas desplegadas por dicho sector político, en torno al golpe y la dictadura. Daremos a conocer el proceso de evolución de dichas caracterizaciones a través del tiempo, la forma en la que éstas se mantienen, van cambiando o sistematizándose, a la luz de la información manejada por la izquierda chilena en los primeros años de la dictadura militar.Palabras Clave: Golpe militar, dictadura, izquierda chilena, caracterizaciones tempranas.*************************************************************** The coup d’état and the military dictatorship on the early characterization of Chilean left (1973-1977)AbstractThis article is an approximation to the subject about the military strike in 1973 and the experience of the left wing in Chile (Unidad Popular and MIR), in the early years of the dictatorship (1973 -1977). Specifically, we will show, which were the characterizations, interpretations and the premature readings that were deployed by the left wing, around the strike and the dictatorship. We will expose the evolution process of these characterizations trough the time, and the way that this kept, change or begin to take “shape”, depending on the information managed for the Chilean left in the early years of the dictatorship.Key Words: Military strike, dictatorship, Chilean left wing, early Characterizations.******************************************************O golpe e a ditadura militar nas caracterizações iniciais da esquerda chilena (1973 – 1977)ResumoEste artigo é uma aproximação à temática do golpe militar de 1973 e à experiência da esquerda chilena (a Unidade Popular e o MIR) nos primeiros anos de ditadura (1973 -1977). Especificamente vamos dar conta de quais foram as caracterizações, interpretações e/ou leituras iniciais despregadas pelo referido setor político, em torno do golpe e da ditadura. Vamos dar a conhecer o processo da evolução das mencionadas caracterizações através do tempo, a forma na qual estas se mantêm vão mudando ou sendo sistematizadas à luz da informação manejada pela esquerda chilena nos primeiros anos da ditadura militar.Palavras- chave: Golpe militar, ditadura, esquerda chilena, caracterizações iniciais


2021 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 111-150
Author(s):  
Ahmed M. Abozaid

This study articulates that most of the critical theorists are still strikingly neglecting the study of the Arab Uprising(s) adequately. After almost a decade of the eruption of the so-called Arab Uprisings, the study claims that the volume of scholarly engaging of dominate Western International Relations (IR) theories with such unprecedented events is still substantially unpretentious. Likewise, and most importantly, the study also indicates that most of these theories, including the critical theory of IR (both Frankfurt and Habermasian versions), have discussed, engaged, analysed, and interpreted the Arab Spring (a term usually perceived to be orientalist, troubling, totally inappropriate and passive phenomenon) indicate a strong and durable egoistic Western perspective that emphasis on the preservation of the status quo and ensure the interests of Western and neoliberal elites, and the robustness of counter-revolutionary regimes. On the other hand, the writings and scholarships that reflexively engaged and represent the authentic Arab views, interests, and prospects were clearly demonstrating a strong and durable scarce, if not entirely missing. Keywords: International Relations, Critical Theory, Postcolonial, Arab Uprising(s), Middle East, Revolutions.


2016 ◽  
Vol 26 (2) ◽  
pp. 99
Author(s):  
Juan Pablo Juan Pablo Angelone

Resumen Sostenida particularmente durante la presidencia de Raúl Alfonsín (1983-1989), la “teoría de los dos demonios es considerada la memoria hegemónica-dominante referida a la última dictadura cívico-militar argentina (1976-1983). A su vez, el Informe de la Comisión Nacional sobre la Desaparición de Personas (CONADEP) el “Nunca Más”, suele ser considerado una expresión de dicha memoria. Según nuestra hipótesis, el “Nunca Más” no suscribe la “teoría de los dos demonios” sino una memoria diferente aunque no antitética. El objetivo del presente trabajo consiste en caracterizar ambos conjuntos de representaciones con el fin de señalar las diferencias entre ellos. Nuestro corpus de análisis incluye como fuentes primarias los escritos y declaraciones de Alfonsín relativos al tema así como también el Prólogo del “Nunca Más” presentado en 1984. Dado que la autoría de este último es atribuida a Ernesto Sabato, presidente de la CONADEP, también se consideran algunas declaraciones del mencionado autor. Dichas fuentes primarias son históricamente contextualizadas a partir del uso de fuentes secundarias, dentro de las cuales incluimos el estado del arte relativo a la “teoría de los dos demonios”. Concluimos que si bien el planteo de Alfonsín y el Prólogo original del “Nunca Más” coinciden en el rechazo a la violencia como medio de expresión política, Alfonsín pone en un plano de igualdad a dos actores: el guerrillerismo izquierdista y el golpismo, mientras que el Prólogo critica tres modalidades de violencia: la guerrilla, el terrorismo paraestatal de derecha, actor no mencionado por Alfonsín, y el terrorismo dictatorial.  Between two demons and three violences: Alfonsín’s administration and the senses of the state terrorism memory in contemporary Argentina Abstract  Particularly held during Raul Alfonsín’s presidency (1983 – 1989), “the theory of the two demons” is considered the dominant-hegemonic memory referred to the last Argentine civic-military dictatorship (1976 – 1983). In turn, the report of the National Commission on the Disappearance of Persons (CONADEP)- “Nunca Más” (Never Again) is usually considered an expression of the aforesaid memory. According to our hypothesis, “Nunca Más” does not subscribe to the “theory of the two demons” but to a different memory – though not antithetical. The aim of the current paper consists of characterizing both groups of representations in order to point out the differences between them. Our corpus of analysis includes as main sources Alfonsín’s documents and statements concerned with the issue, as well as the “Nunca Más” prologue, presented in 1984. Some statements of Ernesto Sabato, CONADEP’s president, are also considered due to the fact that the authorship of the latter work mentioned has been attributed to him. Such primary sources are historically contextualized from the use of secondary sources, which within we include the state of the art relative to “the theory of the two demons”. We conclude that even though Alfonsín’s proposal and the original “Nunca Más” prologue coincide in the rejection of violence as a means of political expression, Alfonsín places in an equal position two actors – the left-wing guerrilla and the coup – while the prologue criticizes 3 violence modalities: the guerrilla, the right-wing semi-official terrorism – actor not mentioned by Alfonsín – and the dictatorial terrorism. 


2020 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 149-155
Author(s):  
Andrea Markovits

Processes of artistic reparation and memory recovery are spaces created for victims of state terrorism and family members of the disappeared in the context of the military dictatorship in Chile (1973‐90). Puppet therapy was utilized as a methodology by the company Puppets in Transit with participants drawn from Integrated Health Services in Chile in relation to reparation projects. This process of intervention with puppets seeks to restore social bonds, to enable an intergenerational dialogue and to transmit fragmented memory. The puppet, an expressive, symbolic and mediating object, stimulates a collective dialogue to create collective performance related to participants’ memories. All those mentioned in this article have given permission for their stories to be mentioned; we use only first names.


Balcanica ◽  
2019 ◽  
pp. 397-425
Author(s):  
Ljubodrag Dimic

Intensive conversations with members of political parties, closely reading the press, talks with other foreign diplomats, analytical evaluations of many individual events and their contextualization in the wider picture of the situation in Greece allowed Yugoslav diplomats to accurately assess the situation in the country, identify the potential of the military junta and the centers of putschist support in Greece and abroad, follow their showdown with left-wing and democratic options, recognize the ambitions of the putschist regime and the nature of their dictatorship, have insight into the situation of the opposition, make out te contours of a possible state-political system, monitor relations with neighboring countries, closely follow the regime?s position to the Macedonian minority, follow the moves of the monarch, assess the permanence of compromises, observe the pressure of the international public and the controversial behavior of the Great Powers, and offer prognoses of the course of events in the near future. Yugoslav diplomats collected some of the relevant information on the situation in Greece in other capitals (London, Ankara, Nicosia, Paris?). This information contributed to a wider evaluation of the existing circumstances and a sharper picture of the developments in Greece. The general opinion was that the Yugoslav diplomats were much better informed and more agile than their counterparts from other Eastern European counties, who were seen as ?slow?, ?unsure?, ??onfused?, ?contradictory? and so on. In the days and months following the coup, the Yugoslav diplomatic mission in Athens was a center where many came to be informed, consult with their peers, verify their assessments and hear Belgrade?s views. Besides the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, collected information was sent to Josip Broz Tito, Edvard Kardelj, Koca Popovic, Mijalko Todorovic, Marko Nikezic, Ivan Gosnjak, Petar Stambolic and Ivan Miskovic.


Anos 90 ◽  
2012 ◽  
Vol 19 (36) ◽  
Author(s):  
Claudia Feld

RESUMEN: Este artículo propone indagar las maneras en que la televisión representa el pasado reciente de la Argentina, a través de tres articulaciones específicas entre TV y memoria social. Se sugieren tres abordajes, distintos en términos analíticos, para la investigación. Estos abordajes permiten enfocar el rol de este medio en la configuración de agendas públicas (o sea, se aborda a la televisión como emprendedora de la memoria), su efectividad como soporte para difundir acontecimientos del pasado entre las nuevas generaciones (es decir, como vehículo de transmisión intergeneracional), o su rol como constructor de sentidos a través de imágenes, sonidos y palabras (es decir, la televisión se aborda como escenario de la memoria). Todos estos roles coexisten y se articulan, aunque también entran en tensión. El artículo se centra particularmente en la experiencia del terrorismo de Estado en Argentina, en el marco de la dictadura militar de 1976-1983, y en las memorias construidas en torno a la desaparición forzada de personas. El análisis de los vínculos entre TV y memoria permite pensar de qué modos los obstáculos para narrar una experiencia límite se combinan, de maneras complejas  y no fácilmente inteligibles, con la intención de vender un producto y de entretener al espectador. PALABRAS CLAVE: Televisión, memoria, imagen, dictadura, represiónAUTOR: Claudia FELD INSTITUCIÓN: CONICET – IDES RESUMEN EN INGLÉS TITLE: Television as regards the recent past. How to study the link between TV and social memory.ABSTRACT:This article aims to examine the ways in which television represents Argentina’s recent past, through three specific links between TV and social memory. Three approaches for research are proposed, which are different in analytical terms. These approaches allow us to focus on the role this medium plays in configuring public agendas (that is, television is approached as an entrepreneur of memory); its effectiveness as a medium which communicates past events to new generations (i.e., as a vehicle of transmission among generations); or its role as a constructor of meanings through images, sounds, and words (that is to say, television is approached as a stage for memory). All of these roles co-exist and are intertwined, but there  is also tension among them. This article especially focuses on the experience of state terrorism in Argentina, in the framework of the military dictatorship in 1976-1983, as well as on the constructed memories about the disappearance of persons. The analysis of the links between TV and memory allows us to think how the obstacles to narrate an extreme experience are combined, in complex and not easily intelligible ways, with the sale of a product and entertainment.KEYWORDS: Television, memory, image, dictatorship, repression


1971 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 25-44 ◽  
Author(s):  
R. C. C. Law

This paper examines the internal disputes which the Ọyọ kingdom suffered during the eighteenth century, and which had as their ultimate issue a coup d'état in ca. 1796 which is traditionally held to mark the beginning of the disintegration of the kingdom. The troubles began with a conflict within the capital of the kingdom, between the Alafin (king) and the Ọyọ Mesi, a group of non-royal chiefs led by the Baṣọrun, and the first phase of the troubles culminated in 1754 in a seizure of power by the Baṣọrun. It is suggested that this struggle between the Alafin and his chiefs had its origins in competition for control of the new sources of wealth derived from the expansion of the kingdom. In 1774 the Alafin overthrew the Baṣọrun and recovered power in the capital by calling in the assistance of the subject towns of the kingdom. It is argued that this action proved fatal to the Ọyọ kingdom, by involving the rulers of the provincial towns in the political disputes of the capital and revealing the military impotence of the divided capital. In ca. 1796 the provincial rulers intervened at the capital on the other side, assisting the Baṣọrun to overthrow the Alafin. But the coalition of dissident metropolitan chiefs and dissident provincial chiefs immediately broke up, and many of the latter began to disregard the divided capital and make themselves independent.


2020 ◽  
Vol 18 (41) ◽  
pp. 93
Author(s):  
Nastassja Mancilla Ivaca

Este artículo es parte de una investigación en curso que se desarrolla en la precordillera de la región de Los Ríos, Chile, donde ex pobladores/ras buscan recuperar territorios del Complejo Forestal y Maderero Panguipulli (COFOMAP) de los cuales fueron desplazados forzadamente durante la dictadura militar (1973-1989). El objetivo es analizar las prácticas folkcomunicacionales de actoras/res que otorgan sentido a la apropiación del espacio desde la cultura popular, que emerge en la memoria colectiva y potencia la organización. Dimensión que se identificó a partir del trabajo de campo que incluyó entrevistas grupales y observación participante. Así, se articula una narrativa resistente al despojo empresarial y el terrorismo estatal vívido, otorgando inteligibilidad a la lucha presente y las demandas de justicia. Memoria colectiva; Terrorismo de Estado; Prácticas folkcomunicacionales; Desplazamiento forzado. This article is part of an ongoing research developed at the foothills of Región de Los Ríos, Chile, where former inhabitants seek to recover territory of the former Panguipulli Forestry and Timber Complex (COFOMAP) from where they were forcefully displaced during the military dictatorship (1973-1989). The objective is to analyse the stakeholders’ folkcommunicational practices that grant meaning to the land ownership from the popular culture, which emerges as the collective memory and strengthens the organization. This dimension was identified from the fieldwork that included group interviews and participant observation. Thus, a corporate plundering resistant narrative is articulated and the vivid state terrorism grant intelligibility to the current struggle and the demands for justice. Collective Memory; State Terrorism; Folkcommunicational Practices; Forced Displacement. Nosso artigo é parte de uma pesquisa em andamento que ocorre na região de Los Ríos, sul do Chile, onde ex-moradores buscam recuperar territórios do Complexo Florestal e Madeireiro de Panguipulli (COFOMAP) de onde foram deslocados à força durante a ditadura militar (1973-1989). O objetivo é analisar as práticas de comunicação popular de agentes que dão sentido à apropriação do espaço da cultura popular, que emerge na memória coletiva e fortalece a organização, dimensão que foi identificada a partir do trabalho de campo que incluiu entrevistas grupais e observação participante. Assim, articula-se uma narrativa resistente à expropriação corporativa e ao vívido terrorismo de Estado, conferindo inteligibilidade à luta atual e às demandas por justiça. Memória coletiva; Terrorismo de Estado; Práticas folkcomunicacionais; Deslocamento forçado.


2018 ◽  
Vol 34 ◽  
pp. 367-388
Author(s):  
Camila Garcia Kieling

This paper proposes a recomposition of the intrigue of journalistic narratives on the Revolution of April 25, 1974 in Portugal based on the coverage of two Brazilian newspapers: O Estado de S. Paulo and Jornal do Brasil. The journalistic narrative is understood as a time orderer in the contemporaneity, expressing a “generalized circulation of historical perception” (Nora, 1979, p. 180), mobilized by the emergence of a new phenomenon: the event. The unusual coup d’état in Portugal stirred the world’s political imagination, reviving confrontations between left and right. At that moment, in Brazil, the military dictatorship completed 10 years and the fourth president of the Armed Forces was beginning its mandate. Narratives are analyzed from different points of view: the organization of facts in time, the construction of characters, projections for the future, or the re-signification of the past.


1983 ◽  
Vol 21 (2) ◽  
pp. 253-271 ◽  
Author(s):  
G. N. Uzoigwe

On 24 February 1966, Apolo Milton Obote, the Prime Minister of Uganda, marched into a meeting of his Cabinet with an armed escort, arrested five of his Ministers, and suspended the 1962 independence constitution he had solemnly sworn to protect. Since that fateful day Uganda has known no peace. Indeed, factional divisions and the ambitions of politicians, followed by the military dictatorship of Idi Amin after his coup d'état in 1971, soon reduced the country to howling anarchy.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document