Evaluasi Kebijakan Fasilitasi Pendanaan APK oleh KPU pada Pilgub Lampung 2018

Wacana Publik ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 14 (02) ◽  
pp. 103-111
Author(s):  
Ade Lidya Sari ◽  
Hertanto Hertanto ◽  
Tabah Maryanah

The facilitation policy of the Campaign Props (APK) for the Lampung Governor Election (Pilgub) in 2018 was the form from the state through the General Election Commission (KPU) for giving the value of equality and justice to the candidate pairs (paslon) in campaigning. The study aims to find out how the APK facilitation mechanism by KPU of Lampung Province in Pilgub Lampung 2018.  And what is the impact of the policy evaluation to the APK facilitation in Pilgub Lampung 2018. The type of this research is descriptive qualitative. The results of the study show: 1) That the APK policy mechanism is created that the policy runs well, there is no distortion in the distribution of communication, the number of ASNs that in the quota restrictions, but its implementation has no significant effect, KPU of Lampung Province is able to maintain its integrity, the changes or the additional bureaucratic structure are no needed in the APK policy implementation. 2) The policy evaluation  results of the study stated that the APK facilitation policy was not effective and efficient yet because the policy goals were not felt by all the paslon and the costs incurred did not reach the highest effectiveness. The aspects of adequacy and equity were not fulfilled due to inadequate APK quantity. The the public’s responsiveness is neither apathetic nor positive, in the end the policy objectives were not achieved substantively, so the APK facilitation policy in the Pilgub Lampung 2018 did not reach the accuracy aspect. The impact of this policy is paslon printed the APK outside the provisions, the euphoria was less pronounced but on the other side the beauty aesthetic appears.

2015 ◽  
Vol 4 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Vinay Chauhan ◽  
Sushma Kaushal

Environmental scanning yields greater anticipatory management that provides important inputs for aquitision and use of information for planning and designing organization strategies. Apart from this, effective environmental scanning activities are likely to deal with threats and grasp the opportunities to finally link with enhancing organizational effectiveness. In fact this relationship matrix has led the researchers to conduct an environmental scanning through an examination of the existing status the components of the macro-environment vis-a-vis their relationship with the organizational effectiveness. There are a number of approaches, which describe the macro-environment, of which PEST analysis is regarded as the most common approach for considering the external business environment. Thus, the present study applies PEST analysis to scan the existing business environment. Jammu and Kashmir due to its peculiar political, geographical, economic, and socio-cultural features, had led its cost mountain economy become a distinctive identity. Despite the fact that the state has rich endowments, international relations with its neighbours vis-a-vis its impact on political environment also pose developmental challenges for the business units operating in the state. This has provided valid rationale for conducting the present. The environmental scanning is done through the perception of the select entrepreneurs operating MSMEs in the state of J & K. An impact analysis of environmental factors (PEST) on the organizational effectiveness is also done in the study. The findings of the study show that the political environment of the state that is not favourable for entrepreneural development whereas the rest of the other drivers of PEST i.e. economic environment, socio-cultural environment, and technological environment show a favourable response of the entrepreneurs. In terms of cause and effect relationship, it is found that the first two drivers of the PEST i.e. political and economic dimension impacts OE positively whereas the other two dimensions namely socio-cultural and technological impacts OE negatively but it is pertinent to mention that the impact is very less and is insigninificant. The study also suggests some of strategic options for developing and creating an enabling environment for successful entrepreneurial development to achieve integrated development of the state.


Author(s):  
Svetlana Koryagina ◽  
Irina Kravchenko

The article describes the impact of the Mass Media on the formation of the worldview of the young. This impact may be positive or negative. On the one hand, the media educate young people and enhance their participation in public life. On the other hand, they may mislead or promote false values, and manipulate the young generation’s consciousness. What helps people not to get involved into the tried-and-true crowd manipulation scheme in the media landscape is critical thinking, whose lack results in inability to choose the right guidelines in the flow of false information provided by various Media. The authors emphasize the role of the state, which, regarding the needs of the society, should enculturate the young generation, as well as exercise tight control over communication in the global web and publications in the Internet Media and social networks. One of the directions of the state’s policy is expanding the geography of information and communication technologies, and the other is ensuring information security of the young in general and adolescents in particular. To provide this, the state develops organizational and legal mechanisms aimed at protecting children from harmful information in the web, and requirements for the content, its expert evidence and government control. The article demonstrates the results of a study carried out by the authors to assess the current youth Media and their influence on criminality. The key criterion for selecting participants of the focus group was young age, since the young are the most active and the least protected players in the media landscape. The sampling was made by random choice in order to ensure equal opportunities for participation in the study.


2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 78-82
Author(s):  
I Kadek Andika Setiawan ◽  
I Gusti Bagus Suryawan ◽  
I Wayan Arthanaya

A failed general election will result in a re-election and will certainly require additional budget. The purpose of this research is to find out the mechanism for the implementation of the re-election and to analyze the use of the State Revenue and Expenditure Budget in the implementation of the re-election. The research method used is normative legal research with a statutory approach and a conceptual approach. The results of this study indicate that the mechanism for implementing the re-election is a dispute over the results of the disputed General Election, by presidential candidates and members of the legislative candidates through the Constitutional Court decision. The mechanism for the provision of funds from the State Revenue and Expenditure Budget in the implementation of the re-General Election is the submission of additional costs by the General Election Commission to the Budget Institution and the Budget Department to revise the budget for the implementation of General Elections that are undergoing re-election.


2020 ◽  
Vol 21 (4) ◽  
pp. 657-679
Author(s):  
James P Cross ◽  
Austė Vaznonytė

Although agenda-setting dynamics in the European Union are a well-studied phenomenon, there is a gap in the literature between the current focus on issue attention dynamics (a policy input) and the impact attention dynamics have on policy outputs. This study examines how the rotating Council Presidency’s stated policy goals for their term in office affect EU decision-making efficiency. We show that the salience the rotating chair of the Council attaches to a given policy area affects legislative efficiency in that policy area. We also demonstrate how this effect is conditioned on government effectiveness in the state of the Presidency in question, and is independent of Commission policy priorities. This suggests that the Presidency can drive EU policy outputs and push for its priorities when it holds the chair, but that its ability to do so is contingent on the domestic organisation and effectiveness of the state.


2006 ◽  
Vol 55 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Giuseppe Dalla Torre

Dopo essersi rilevato il fenomeno della rinascita del fatto religioso nell’odierna società secolarizzata, grazie anche al massiccio fenomeno immigratorio, si descrive l’impatto del pluralismo etnico-religioso sulle tradizionali realtà degli ordinamenti giuridici statali; impatto reso ancora più problematico per l’ascesa di nuovi poteri, in particolare quello tecnico-scientifico, insofferenti ad una eteroregolamentazione non solo sul piano etico, ma anche sul piano giuridico. Si mette quindi in evidenza una crescente ambiguità che investe la biogiuridica: da un lato la nuova esigenza di riconoscere il rivendicato “diritto alla diversità” da parte delle diverse formazioni etnico-religiose; dall’altro l’esigenza di una regolamentazione giuridica uniforme a garanzia dell’ordinata convivenza attorno ad una scala valoriale che abbia nella “vita” il bene centrale ed ultimo da salvaguardare. Tra le conclusioni cui si giunge è innanzitutto quella per cui la pacifica convivenza in una società multietnica e multireligiosa può essere assicurata, nel rispetto delle diverse tradizioni e culture, attraverso il ricorso a moderati e saggi riconoscimenti di spazio al diritto personale all’interno degli ordinamenti statali, ma nei limiti rigorosi posti dalle esigenze di tutela della dignità umana. Ciò tocca anche la questione dei “nuovi poteri” che, nel contesto di una società globalizzata, impongono una rielaborazione dell’idea di diritto che, partendo dal quadro di un sistema di fonti che tende sempre più ad essere organizzato non secondo gerarchia ma secondo competenza, si ispiri al principio del riconoscimento dell’essere umano nella sua dignità, indipendentemente dall’appartenenza etnico-religiosa. Infine si mette in evidenza l’inaccettabilità di un “diritto debole”, solo procedimentale, perché sostanziale negazione della funzione stessa del diritto, che è quella di prevenire e/o dirimere i conflitti tra interessi in gioco e, quindi, i contrasti tra le parti della società, difendendo nel rapporto i soggetti più deboli; così come si mette in evidenza che il prezioso bene della laicità dello Stato non è – come invece spesso si ritiene – salvaguardato da un “diritto debole”, ma solo da un diritto giusto. ---------- After being noticed the phenomenon of the rebirth of the religious fact in today’s secularized society, it is described also the impact of the ethnic-religious pluralism on the traditional realities of the government juridical arrangements; impact made even more problematic for the ascent of new powers, particularly that technical-scientific, impatient to an heteroregulation not only on the ethical plan, but also on the juridical plan. It is put therefore in evidence an increasing ambiguity that invests the biojuridical: from one side the new demand to recognize the vindicated “law to difference” from different ethnic-religious formations; from the other the demand of a uniform juridical regulation to guarantee of the orderly cohabitation around to a scale of value that has in “life” central and ultimate good to safeguard. Between the conclusions which the author comes it is, first of all, that for which the peaceful cohabitation in a multiethnic and multireligious society can be assured, in the respect of the different traditions and cultures, through the recourse to moderate and wise recognition of space to the personal law into the government arrangements, but in the rigorous limits set by the demands of guardianship of human dignity. This also touches the matter of new powers that, in the contest of globalization, impose a new elaboration of the idea of law that, departing from the picture of a system of sources that extends more and more to not be organized according to hierarchy but according to competence, inspire to the principle of the recognition of the human being in its dignity, independently from the ethnic-religious affiliation. Finally it is put in evidence the unacceptability of a “weak law”, just procedural, as substantial negation of the law function itself, which is that to prevent and/or to settle the conflicts between affairs at stake and, therefore, contrasts between the parts of the society, defending in the relationship the weakest subjects; as it is evidenced that the precious good of laity of the State is not - like instead it is often considered - safeguarded by a weak law, but only by a correct law.


Author(s):  
Ian Cummins ◽  
Emilio José Gómez-Ciriano

AbstractThis paper presents a comparative analysis of two reports by the UN Rapporteur on Extreme Poverty and Human Rights, one for Spain and one for the UK. In both countries, austerity policies were introduced following the banking crisis of 2008. The UN Rapporteur reports highlight the damage that was done by welfare retrenchment. In particular, the reports document the impact of austerity on the most vulnerable individuals and communities. The paper uses Somers' (2008) conceptual model of citizenship as the basis for a comparative analysis of two reports. Somers' (2008) model of citizenship is a triadic one which sees the state, market and civil society as competing elements. Each one can serve to regulate and limit the influence or excesses of the other two. Somers argues that neoliberalism has seen the dominance of the market at the expense of the role of the state and the institutions of civil society. Austerity policies saw the market dominating. Having examined the context of the two reports and their conclusions, the paper discussed the implications for individual social workers’ practice and the role of social work as a profession in tackling poverty and marginalisation.


2021 ◽  
Vol 8 (12) ◽  
pp. 238-246
Author(s):  
Loc Thi Thuy

From the beginning of the year 2020 until now, the Covid-19 pandemic has heavily, deeply and comprehensively impacted the state of international politics and security in both positive and negative directions. On one hand, the pandemic has encouraged nations to strengthen cooperation in order to effectively deal with the risks that it brought; on the other hand, it has contributed to a rise in competition as well as opposition between countries and global powers alike, especially between the U.S. and China, in multiple politics and security-related issues. In the coming times, the state of international politics and security is predicted to witness many changes, especially in the context where the U.S. is highly expected to adjust its policies. For this text, the writer will place an emphasis on providing in-depth analysis on the negative impacts of the Covid-19 pandemic on the state of international politics and security, and therefore provide commentary on the trends of the state of international politics and security in the coming times.


2020 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 53-66
Author(s):  
Muhammad Ali

Abstract, Secondary education policy needs to be improved by a process which is a strategic alternative to improve the quality of education. This paper examines the relation of actors in the implementation of secondary education policy in the city of Mataram which focuses on senior secondary education as an education sub-system by formulating and implementing education-related policies that are trademarks for the achievement of policy objectives. The Key to Policy Implementation uses a participatory approach in public policy making in education supported by 4 (four) factors as a driver of successful policy implementation. But in reality there are causes of the implementation of policies that have not optimally reached their objectives, namely: a). Communication b). Resources (Resources), c). Implementor Attitudes (Dispositions), and d). Bureaucratic Structure (Bureaucratic Structure). Then, on the other hand, the Government's relation with actors outside the government is not yet optimal, where the government has not effectively built relationships with the community and the business world so that governance has not been created in the implementation of secondary education policies. This condition requires improvement of aspects of policy implementation and improvement of coordination between actors and organizational culture towards the achievement of secondary education policy objectives in supporting governance in the city of Mataram. Keywords: Policy Implementation, Secondary Education, Governance  Abstrak, Kebijakan pendidikan menengah perlu ditingkatkan dengan suatu proses yang merupakan alternatif strategis untuk meningkatkan kualitas pendidikan. Tulisan ini mengkaji relasi aktor dalam implementasi kebijakan pendidikan menengah di kota mataram yang menitikberatkan pada pendidikan menengah atas sebagai sub sistem pendidikan dengan merumuskan dan melaksanakan kebijakan terkait pendidikan yang menjadi trademark unttuk tercapainya tujuan kebijakan. Kunci Implementasi kebijakan menggunakan pendekatan partisipatory dalam pengambilan  kebijakan publik  bidang pendidikan yang ditopang oleh 4 (empat) faktor sebagai pendorong  keberhasilan implementasi kebijakan. Namun secara realitas adanya penyebab implementasi kebijakan yang belum secara optimal mencapai tujuannya yaitu: a). Komunikasi b). Sumber Daya (Resources), c). Sikap Implementor (Dispositions), dan d). Struktur Birokrasi (Bureaucratic Structure). Kemudian pada sisi yang lain relasai Pemerintah dengan aktor di luar pemerintah yang belum optimal, dimana pemerintah belum secara efektif membangun relasi dengan masyarakat dan dunia usaha sehingga belum tercipta governance dalam implementasi kebijakan pendidikan menengah. Kondisi ini memerlukan pembenahan terhadap aspek-aspek implementasi kebijakan dan peningkatan koordinasi antar aktor  dan budaya organisasi ke arah pencapaian tujuan kebijakan pendidikan menengah dalam mendukung governance di kota Mataram. Kata Kunci: Implementasi Kebijakan, Pendidikan Menengah, Governance


Author(s):  
Lauren Zentz

The data presented in this chapter highlight the Indonesian state’s influence on citizens’ access to education as it implements policies that simultaneously aim to secure a national identity through enforcing Indonesian as medium of instruction in public schools and categorizing English as a Foreign Language. The state is in a double bind, and its policies are ineffective: in globalization, English cannot be avoided, but the state lacks the resources needed to meet internationalized standards with language and curriculum content appropriate to the needs of Indonesia’s student populations and the skills of its teachers. Because of these dynamics, the English language is accessed mostly by those who already have access to mobility, wealth, and “international standard” educations. The national categorization of English as a Foreign Language combined with a contradictory rush to get citizens English alone by increasing its distribution throughout educational curricula, promises nothing more than to reinforce levels of English fluency as indicators of individuals’ access to or marginalization from wealth and state-distributed educations. Beliefs that English alone will earn the Indonesian state and its citizens prosperous positions in national and global society act to conflate the English language with the other important material factors alongside which this symbol of wealth “hitchhikes” (Mendoza-Denton, 2011), and this has led to rushed and ineffective policy implementation on many levels.


Asian Survey ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 61 (2) ◽  
pp. 324-355
Author(s):  
Yongrong Cao ◽  
Hsin-Che Wu ◽  
Min-Hua Huang

In recent years, the economic development of China and India and their border confrontations have intensified bilateral strategic competition. This study used the State of Democracy in South Asia survey to identify dual mindsets of competition and contingency that drive how Indians perceive China’s influence in Asia. These two mindsets are based on a cognitive schema characterized by a political predisposition against China. However, this negative orientation is moderated as more information is acquired regarding the impact of China on India. The competition mindset does not always manifest itself, and is only cognitively activated when a change is perceived in India’s power status. On the other hand, the contingent principle appears whenever competition seems to have abated, or disadvantage seems unavoidable. The mindsets of competition and contingency are not only relevant to the evolution of Sino–Indian relations, but also explain how Indian policymakers behave and respond in international society.


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