scholarly journals Theodor Körner, az NDK politikai mítosza

2018 ◽  
Vol 57 (3-4) ◽  
Author(s):  
Kálmán Kovács

The biographic novels about Theodor Körner accurately demonstrate the significant paradigm shifts in East Germany’s memory politics. Before 1949, the nationalistic tradition was rejected even in the area under Soviet occupation, nevertheless it became a central element of East Germany’s ideology after the turn of 1952. One must add, that it was not picked up in its original form, but adapted to the requirements of the present. The Körner novels reveal the main characteristics of this transformed nationalism. The political changes of the seventies generated a turn of cultural policy as well. The particularities of this new paradigm are reflected in Ulrich Völkel’s novel about Theodor Körner. The recycled myth of Körner paints a picture of East Germany which we came to know during the last decade of its existence.

Author(s):  
Vyacheslav Nefedov

The study of cultural problems in the countries of the socialist community has acquired considerable relevance in historical research recently. At the same time there are considerable gaps in the study of culture of German Democratic Republic. For the period from 1945 to 1949 it is especially true. Appeal to the sources of the Soviet period can make it partly up. Nevertheless, this is insufficient. A modern view of the culture of East Germany after Second World War is ne-cessary. The policy of Socialist Unified Party of Germany at the socialist culture formation period is the subject of this research. The consideration of the influence of Soviet Union and ideas of Oc-tober Revolution on the postwar cultural development of East Germany (1945–1949) is the aim of this research. The realization of research tasks based on the using of Soviet and German books, newspapers and magazines is achieved. Sociopragmatic method, that allows to objectively investigate the processes in Soviet occupation zone of German is the main in this work. Social processes that occurred from 1945 to 1949 in East Germany are investigated. The degree of influence of Soviet Union and the ideas of October Revolution on the cultural policy of Socialist Unified Party of Germany is determined. The study of the Soviet influence on the cultural policy of Socialist Unified Party of Germany in the German society allowed to determinate its level as quite high. The study confirms the conclusions of researchers that party persons of SUPG sought to conduct cultural policy in East Germany based on the Soviet sample.


2010 ◽  
pp. 115-132 ◽  
Author(s):  
S. Agibalov ◽  
A. Kokorin

Copenhagen summit results could be called a failure. This is the failure of UN climate change policy management, but definitely the first step to a new order as well. The article reviews main characteristics of climate policy paradigm shifts. Russian interests in climate change policy and main threats are analyzed. Successful development and implementation of energy savings and energy efficiency policy are necessary and would sufficiently help solving the global climate change problem.


Author(s):  
Detlef Pollack ◽  
Gergely Rosta

The case of East Germany raises the question of why religion and church, which had fallen to an unprecedentedly low level after four decades of suppression, have not recovered since 1989. The repressive church politics of the SED were undoubtedly the decisive factor in the unique process of minoritizing churches in the GDR. However, other external factors such as increasing prosperity, socio-structural transformation, and the expansion of the leisure and entertainment sector played an important role, too. In addition, church activity itself probably also helped to weaken the social position of churches. The absence of a church renaissance after 1990 can be explained by several factors, such as the long-term effects of the break with tradition caused by the GDR system, the political and moral discrediting of the church by the state security service, and people’s dwindling confidence in the church, which was suddenly seen as a non-representative Western institution.


1999 ◽  
Vol 90 (1) ◽  
pp. 123-138 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mary Ann Hunter

This article considers the place of youth arts and cultures in the cultural industries approach to cultural policy. It argues that the ‘covert economic overlay’ (Brokensha, 1996: 101) of the Australian National Culture–Leisure Industry Statistical Framework privileges certain processes in a ‘government convenient’ model of industry inputs and outcomes, and that the assumptions of this model are challenged by youth-specific and community-based modes of production. Furthermore, it argues that the philosophies and practices of contemporary youth-specific arts organisations have the potential to redefine ‘culture industry’ and contribute to a ‘coherent new paradigm’ of cultural policy (UNESCO, 1995: 232). This paper makes these arguments by examining the place of youth arts and cultures in the existing environment of cultural industrialisation, by considering recent government policy responses to young people's cultural activity and by addressing long-term policy issues for the support of young people and cultural development.


2018 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 327
Author(s):  
Sholehudin Zuhri

Dalam perkembangan politik hukum kontemporer, keputusan politik dalam pembentukan regulasi sering dihadapkan pada dua persoalan sekaligus yang saling berhadapan. Konfigurasi politik dalam pembentukan Undang-Undang Nomor 7 Tahun 2017, partai politik di parlemen tidak hanya merepresentasikan kepentingan politiknya, tetapi juga dihadapkan pada keharusan mengakomodir putusan Mahkamah Konstitusi Nomor 14/PUU-XI/2013 sebagai koreksi keputusan politik yang otoriter. Penelitian ini adalah penelitian yuridis normatif dengan metode kualitatif, studi ini menitikberatkan pada pemahaman komprehensif yang meliputi interaksi politik dan hukum dalam terciptanya konfigurasi politik hukum pemilu. Hasil studi ini dapat menjelaskan kepatuhan partai politik terhadap hukum dalam menciptakan konfigurasi politik di parlemen, namun di sisi lainnya lemahnya partai politik dalam membangun koalisi dalam mewujudkan sistem pemilu demokratis justru menjadikan keputusan politik yang dipilih menjadi otoriter dalam pelaksana teknisnya. Kehadiran hukum dalam perkembangan konfigurasi politik kontemporer, dapat menjadi paradigma baru dalam terciptanya konfigurasi politik demokratis yang pada akhirnya terbentuknya hukum pemilu yang demokratis.In the development of contemporary political laws, political decisions in regulatory formation are often confronted with two issues at once facing each other. The political configuration in the Law No. 7 year 2017, political parties in parliament not only represent political interests but also face the necessity to accommodate the decision of the Constitutional Court Number 14/ PUU-XI/2013 as a correction of authoritarian political decisions. This research is normative juridical research with qualitative method. The results of this study can explain the compliance of political parties to the law in creating the political configuration in parliament. Yet on the other hand, the weakness of political parties in building coalitions in realizing the democratic election system makes the selected political decision become authoritarian in its technical execution. The presence of law in the development of contemporary political configuration can be a new paradigm in creating democratic political configuration which ultimately the formation of democratic law of elections.


Author(s):  
Ana Catarina Zema de Resende

Nos últimos 30 anos, a autonomia se tornou um novo paradigma na luta dos povos indígenas por descolonização. Organizações indígenas de todo o continente americano assumiram a autonomia como demanda central. No entanto, o debate em torno das demandas indígenas por autonomia tem gerado muitas polêmicas decorrentes da incompreensão sobre o que querem os movimentos indígenas quando reivindicam seu direito à autodeterminação e autonomia. Para melhor entendimento dessa questão, interessa-nos, aqui, trazer alguns elementos e conceitos que possibilitem apreciar as contribuições de três intelectuais indígenas a esse debate: Taiaiake Alfred, mohawk do Canada; Floriberto Díaz, mixe de Tlahuitoltepec eGersem Baniwa, do povo Baniwa do Alto Rio Negro e das propostas do Exército Zapatista de Libertação Nacional (EZLN). Veremos que a maneira como esses intelectuais e o EZLN vêm construindo suas ideias sobre autonomia funciona como veículo para suas críticas à imposição de controle por parte do Estado, levando esse último a perceber as inconsistências de seus próprios princípios e do tratamento que dá aos povos indígenas.Palavras-Chave: Autonomia Indígena, Pensamento Político, Autodeterminação, Movimento Indígena.Autonomía indígena en el pensamiento político de Taiaiake Alfred, Floriberto Díaz, Gersem Baniwa y en las propuestas del EZLNResumen: En los últimos 30 años, la autonomía se ha convertido en un nuevo paradigma en la lucha de los pueblos indígenas por descolonización. Organizaciones indígenas de todo el continente americano asumieron la autonomía como demanda central. Sin embargo, el debate en torno a las demandas indígenas por autonomía ha generado muchas polémicas derivadas de la incomprensión sobre lo que quieren los movimientos indígenas cuando reivindican su derecho a la autodeterminación y a la autonomía. Para entender mejor esta cuestión, nos interesa, aquí, traer algunos elementos y conceptos que posibiliten apreciar los aportes de tres intelectuales indígenas a ese debate: Taiaiake Alfred, mohawk de Canada; Floriberto Díaz, mixe de Tlahuitoltepec y Gersem Baniwa, del pueblo Baniwa del Alto Río Negro y de las propuestas del Ejército Zapatista de Liberación Nacional (EZLN). Veremos que la manera como estos intelectuales y el EZLN vienen construyendo sus ideas sobre autonomía funciona como vehículo para sus críticas a la imposición de control por parte del Estado, llevando ese último a percibir las inconsistencias de sus propios principios y del trato que da a los pueblos indígenas.Palabras-clave: Autonomía Indígena, Pensamiento Político, Autodeterminación, Movimiento Indígena.Indigenous autonomy in the political thought of Taiaiake Alfred, Floriberto Díaz, Gersem Baniwa and in the EZLN proposalsAbstract: Over the last 30 years, autonomy has become a new paradigm in the struggle of indigenous peoples for decolonization. Indigenous organizations throughout the Americas assumed autonomy as a central demand. However, the debate over indigenous demands for autonomy has generated many controversies which were derived from the misunderstanding of what indigenous movements want when they claim their right to self-determination and autonomy. To better understand this question, we are interested here in bringing up some elements and concepts that make it possible to appreciate the contributions of three indigenous intellectuals to that debate: Taiaiake Alfred, mohawk from Canada; Floriberto Diaz, mixe of Tlahuitoltepec and Gersem Baniwa, from the Baniwa people of the Alto Rio Negro and of the Zapatista Army of National Liberation (EZLN) proposals. We will see that the way these intellectuals and the EZLN construct their ideas about autonomy functions as a vehicle for their criticism of the imposition of control by the State, leading the latter to perceive the inconsistencies of its own principles and the treatment it gives to indigenous peoples.Keywords: Indigenous Autonomy, Political Thought, Self-Determination, Indigenous Movement.


Author(s):  
Roman Boldyrev ◽  
Jörg Morré

Introduction. The paper deals with the issues of the propaganda system in the Soviet Occupation Zone in Germany (SOZ) between 1945 and 1949. Based on de-classified documents from Russian Archives propaganda organization, channels and methods of propaganda units of the Soviet Military Administration in Germany (SMAG) became a subject to study. The authors emphasize on control means towards German mass media and implementing the Soviet propaganda monopoly in East Germany. Methods and materials. The authors consequently analyze the main channels and methods of positive USSR image broadcasting: radio, press, SMAG propaganda unit lectures, people’s education system, activities of society for Soviet cultural studies, acquaintance trips of German delegations to the USSR, presentations of Soviet exhibitions and films. Analysis and Results. The authors come to a conclusion that the Soviet propaganda in East Germany had a low efficiency. It failed to establish a complete monopoly of Soviet propaganda units in East Germany. The SOZ population could access the propaganda from West Germany and West Berlin, which broadcast a radically negative image of the USSR. Besides, the units and institutions of the Group of Soviet Occupation Troops in Germany (GSOTG) created their own image of Soviet people, which was different from the ideal and broadcast one. Thus, it turned out to be impossible to provide the unification of the broadcast and perception of propagandist materials devoted to the USSR and its population. Soviet propaganda in Germany had gone through the transition by the late 1940s: division of Germany in two states appeared to be a reality, and the establishment of socialist society on Stalin’s model took place in East Germany. Ideological revisiting of the Soviet social constitution, and so its supremacy over the bourgeois one was to replace the conventional image of the country of total welfare and happiness.


2017 ◽  
Vol 6 ◽  
pp. 245-256
Author(s):  
Dorota Żygadło-Czopnik

Growing up marked by trauma in Jiří Kratochvil’s, Uprostřed nocí zpěv and Magdalena Tulla’s, Włoskie szpilkiThe process of political change began in Czechoslovakia at the end of 1989, a few months after the so-called Polish Round Table Talks, and after the events in Hungary, East Germany or Bulgaria, foretelling the political transformations in those countries. Poles and Czechs are nations steeped in history, whose rhythm is defined by traumas, many of which still await their artistic disarmament. Czech history is completely different than that of Poles. As a result of the tangled history, Czech and Polish national identities are not fully defined. The key objective of the proposed paper is to examine how the contemporary Polish and Czech writers confront their totalitarian heritage. We would like to focus on the works of a Mora­vian author Jiří Kratochvil b. 1940 in Brno, who is undervalued and barely known in Poland, and of a Polish writer Magdalena Tulla b. 1955. As a matter of fact, Jiří Kratochvil was truly discovered in the Czech Republic only after November 1989.Взросление в тени исторической травмы в повести Иржи Кратохвила Uprostřed nocí zpěv и Магдалены Тулли Włoskie szpilkiПроцесс политических преобразований начался в Чехословакии в конце 1989 года, спустя несколько месяцев после польских переговоров т. наз. круглого стола и после событий  в Венгрии, ГДР или Болгарии, которые предвещали политико-режимные трансформации в этих странах. Поляки и чехи — это народы, погруженные в историю, а ее ритм в польском и чешском мышлении диктуют травмы. Многие из них еще предстоит обезвредить при помощи инструментов искусства. Чешская история во многом отличается от нашей. По причине непростой истории чешская и польская национальные идентичности не получили своего четкого определения. Основной целью предлагаемого доклада является исследование того, как современные польские и чешские писатели сводят счеты с тоталитарным наследием. Главное внимание будет уделено творчеству моравского писателя Иржи Кратохвила 1940 г.р., Брно, автора малоизвестного в Польше, а также польской писательницы Магдалены Тулли 1955 г.р.. Иржи Кратохвил и в самой Чехии приобрел признание только после ноября 1989 года.


2021 ◽  
Vol 52 (2) ◽  
pp. 225-250
Author(s):  
Wayne Geerling ◽  
Gary B. Magee ◽  
Russell Smyth

Abstract Analysis of the link between the Soviet occupation of East Germany and internal resistance within the German Democratic Republic reveals that ongoing payment of reparations by East Germans out of local production—via the Soviet’s ownership of prominent local companies—affected both the incidence and the intensity of unrest at the precinct level during the uprising of June 17, 1953. This result is robust when controlling for variation in the presence of Soviet military bases and deaths in Soviet nkvd Special Camps, as well as a host of regional factors potentially correlated with differences in unrest.


2021 ◽  
Vol VII (1) ◽  
pp. 77-84
Author(s):  
Kristóf Nagy

The available published research regarding the implementation of the AK-74 rifle production programme in East Germany is very limited. The majority of what is available on the topic has only been published in German. In this short research article, the author seeks to gather together the available facts to highlight the political, industrial, and technological aspects surrounding the adoption of the AK-74 by Eastern Germany. The author also aims to highlight the challenges that resulted from this massive military acquisition programme, which placed a significant burden on the already crumbling economy of East Germany during the final years of that nation’s existence.


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