scholarly journals Raising The Morale Of Young People In The Neighborhoods (As An Example Of The Republic Of Uzbekistan)

Author(s):  
Dilshodbek Tursunboyevich Komilov ◽  

In this article has been analyzed highly raising the morale of young people in the neighborhoods by the scientific literatures. Also, the wide range of opportunities created for young people in Uzbekistan today is commendable and people can see in the educational process that the state pays special attention to young people at the political level in educating them in a cultured, spiritual and enlightened way. Particular attention is paid to raising the intellectual potential, consciousness and worldview of young people, strengthening ideological immunity, upbringing a harmoniously developed generation living with a sense of patriotism and loyalty. Since the future of any state depends directly on the youth, we too cannot remain indifferent to the upbringing and enlightenment of our youth. Therefore, the time demands that we all rely on such an honorable and responsible work, to bring up young people as mature, enlightened people in all respects. In today's era of globalization, we need to teach young people how to properly use new technologies, how to protect themselves from cyber threats as well.

2019 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 388-420
Author(s):  
S. I. Aliyeva

The article deals with the role of Muslim Tatars, which they played in the educational system of the Azerbaijan SSR. This is the first attempt to present a detailed picture of the wide range of activities as they come from various archival sources, such as opening of secondary schools and preschool institutions of Volga Tatars in Azerbaijan, the principles and routine of arranging teaching in the Tatar language as well as training the Tatar nationals to become teachers. Among the sources used to write this research paper are the materials from the State Archive of the Republic of Azerbaijan, the Archives of Political Parties and Public Movements of the Administration of the President of the Republic of Azerbaijan, as well as some already published documents. The research has shown that the major influx of the Tatar nationals in Azerbaijan did happen in 1921–1922 mainly because of the famine in the Volga region. They refugees were provided with everything necessary: housing, work, the opportunity to learn in their native language. The problems that arose in the course of re-settlement of the Tatars were solved promptly and the whole process of their solving was controlled by the governmental bodies. The Azerbaijan communists considered the process of the Tatar adaptation as an important issue of their policy. The Tatars were continued to be educated within the framework of their national culture. The vehicle of education was the Tatar language. According to the statistical data from that period the literacy level among the Tatars was traditionally very high. To preserve it the Azerbaijani state made various efforts, including the arrangement of supply the Tatar schools with teaching aids in Tatar language. The state was interested in the high level of the public education and supported it.


2020 ◽  
Vol 22 (12) ◽  
pp. 5-9
Author(s):  
Livak N.S. ◽  
Klimova I.V. ◽  
Lebedikhin V.V.

Modern youth and the student community today play a key role in the development of social and social life. Due to the peculiarities of the university space, the student community is in constant interaction and communication, both in the framework of the educational process and events of various formats, and in social and everyday conditions. In the context of interactions, this social group, which is most at risk of spreading negative ideologies that threaten not only the personal security of everyone, but also peaceful coexistence in the conditions of a multinational society in Russia. In the absence of educational measures as a prevention, an unfavorable environment arises in which it is very easy to influence the thinking of young people, their involvement in nationalist movements, extremist activities, etc. Hence the concept of «youth extremism» appears, which is manifested in the views and behavior of young people based on the manifestation of aggression and non-acceptance of dissenters. The search for new technologies of psychological support that allow to form cultural tolerance, value orientations and prevent the spread of extremist ideologies becomes relevant. The authors consider a set of measures that contribute to the generalization, dissemination, as well as the introduction into the student environment of the best practices of spiritual and moral education, the development of interethnic and interreligious dialogue, and the prevention of negative ideologies. To implement these tasks, it is necessary to form a pool of specialists in the prevention of extremism in the student environment, hold seminars and meetings for vice-rectors of universities on security and educational work, as well as educational seminars for managers of student organizations. This will make it possible to form leadership student associations that broadcast the values of cultural tolerance to the youth environment.


Author(s):  
Daria Kozlova

This article discusses the general characteristics of the electoral system of Kazakhstan by the example of elections of the President of the Republic, the Senate of the Parliament of Kazakhstan and deputies of the Mazhilis. The features of dividing this system into majority and proportional are also disclosed. The article analyzes the features of the appointment and conduct of elections and the principles on which they are based. It is also shown how the active activity of the state in the field of legal education of young people and their familiarization with the electoral system affects the high participation rates of citizens in elections.


Author(s):  
Anatoliy Ivanovich Bogdanenko

In the monograph the theoretical identification of concepts and categorical series of state regulation of investment-innovation processes are investigated; the directions of optimization of the state policy of innovation and investment development management in Ukraine are determined; the organizational and legal principles of the state regulation of development of intellectual potential of the population are substantiated; the areas of development and improvement of the national innovation system as an object of state policy are highlighted and assessed. The monograph will be interesting for scholars, lecturers, doctoral and graduate students, and will also be useful to practical politicians, journalists and media workers and a wide range of readers interested in investment and innovation activities.


2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (10(79)) ◽  
pp. 12-18
Author(s):  
G. Bubyreva

The existing legislation determines the education as "an integral and focused process of teaching and upbringing, which represents a socially important value and shall be implemented so as to meet the interests of the individual, the family, the society and the state". However, even in this part, the meaning of the notion ‘socially significant benefit is not specified and allows for a wide range of interpretation [2]. Yet the more inconcrete is the answer to the question – "who and how should determine the interests of the individual, the family and even the state?" The national doctrine of education in the Russian Federation, which determined the goals of teaching and upbringing, the ways to attain them by means of the state policy regulating the field of education, the target achievements of the development of the educational system for the period up to 2025, approved by the Decree of the Government of the Russian Federation of October 4, 2000 #751, was abrogated by the Decree of the Government of the Russian Federation of March 29, 2014 #245 [7]. The new doctrine has not been developed so far. The RAE Academician A.B. Khutorsky believes that the absence of the national doctrine of education presents a threat to national security and a violation of the right of citizens to quality education. Accordingly, the teacher has to solve the problem of achieving the harmony of interests of the individual, the family, the society and the government on their own, which, however, judging by the officially published results, is the task that exceeds the abilities of the participants of the educational process.  The particular concern about the results of the patriotic upbringing served as a basis for the legislative initiative of the RF President V. V. Putin, who introduced the project of an amendment to the Law of RF "About Education of the Russian Federation" to the State Duma in 2020, regarding the quality of patriotic upbringing [3]. Patriotism, considered by the President of RF V. V. Putin as the only possible idea to unite the nation is "THE FEELING OF LOVE OF THE MOTHERLAND" and the readiness for every sacrifice and heroic deed for the sake of the interests of your Motherland. However, the practicing educators experience shortfalls in efficient methodologies of patriotic upbringing, which should let them bring up citizens, loving their Motherland more than themselves. The article is dedicated to solution to this problem based on the Value-sense paradigm of upbringing educational dynasty of the Kurbatovs [15].


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-27
Author(s):  
Tiberiu Dragu ◽  
Yonatan Lupu

Abstract How will advances in digital technology affect the future of human rights and authoritarian rule? Media figures, public intellectuals, and scholars have debated this relationship for decades, with some arguing that new technologies facilitate mobilization against the state and others countering that the same technologies allow authoritarians to strengthen their grip on power. We address this issue by analyzing the first game-theoretic model that accounts for the dual effects of technology within the strategic context of preventive repression. Our game-theoretical analysis suggests that technological developments may not be detrimental to authoritarian control and may, in fact, strengthen authoritarian control by facilitating a wide range of human rights abuses. We show that technological innovation leads to greater levels of abuses to prevent opposition groups from mobilizing and increases the likelihood that authoritarians will succeed in preventing such mobilization. These results have broad implications for the human rights regime, democratization efforts, and the interpretation of recent declines in violent human rights abuses.


Author(s):  
Kevork Oskanian

Abstract This article contributes a securitisation-based, interpretive approach to state weakness. The long-dominant positivist approaches to the phenomenon have been extensively criticised for a wide range of deficiencies. Responding to Lemay-Hébert's suggestion of a ‘Durkheimian’, ideational-interpretive approach as a possible alternative, I base my conceptualisation on Migdal's view of state weakness as emerging from a ‘state-in-society's’ contested ‘strategies of survival’. I argue that several recent developments in Securitisation Theory enable it to capture this contested ‘collective knowledge’ on the state: a move away from state-centrism, the development of a contextualised ‘sociological’ version, linkages made between securitisation and legitimacy, and the acknowledgment of ‘securitisations’ as a contested Bourdieusian field. I introduce the concept of ‘securitisation gaps’ – divergences in the security discourses and practices of state and society – as a concept aimed at capturing this contested role of the state, operationalised along two logics (reactive/substitutive) – depending on whether they emerge from securitisations of the state action or inaction – and three intensities (latent, manifest, and violent), depending on the extent to which they involve challenges to state authority. The approach is briefly illustrated through the changing securitisation gaps in the Republic of Lebanon during the 2019–20 ‘October Uprising’.


1974 ◽  
Vol 64 ◽  
pp. 62-78 ◽  
Author(s):  
A. W. Lintott

The battle of Bovillae on 18th January, 52 B.C., which led to Clodius' death, was literally treated by Cicero in a letter to Atticus as the beginning of a new era—he dated the letter by it, although over a year had elapsed. It is difficult to exaggerate the relief it afforded him from fear and humiliation for a few precious years before civil war put him once more in jeopardy. At one stroke Cicero lost his chief inimicus and the Republic lost a hostis and pestis. Moreover, the turmoil led to a political realignment for which Cicero had been striving for the last ten years—a reconciliation between the boni and Pompey, as a result of which Pompey was commissioned to put the state to rights. Cicero's behaviour in this context, especially his return to the centre of the political scene, is, one would have thought, of capital importance to the biographer of Cicero. Yet two recent English biographies have but briefly touched on the topic. It is true that, in the background of Cicero's personal drama, Caesar and Pompey were taking up positions which, as events turned out, would lead to the collapse of the Republic. However, Cicero and Milo were not to know this, nor were their opponents; friendly cooperation between the two super-politicians apparently was continuing. Politicians on all sides were still aiming to secure power and honour through the traditional Republican magistracies, and in this pursuit were prepared to use the odd mixture of violence, bribery and insistence on the strict letter of the constitution, which was becoming a popular recipe. In retrospect their obsession with the customary organs of power has a certain irony. Yet it is a testimony to the political atmosphere then. Their manoeuvres are also important because both the instability caused by the violence of Clodius and Milo, and the eventual confidence in the rule of law established under Pompey's protection, helped to determine the political position of the boni associated with Pompey in 49 B.C. Cicero's relationship with Milo is at first sight one of the more puzzling aspects of his career. What had they in common, except that Milo, like most late Republican politicians, was at one time associated with Pompey? Properly interpreted, however, this relationship may not only illuminate Cicero's own attitudes but illustrate the character of the last years of Republican politics.


2021 ◽  
Vol 1(162) ◽  
pp. 127-145
Author(s):  
Piotr Uziębło

The problems raised in the doctrine of constitutional law related to the implementation of a decision taken in a referendum in matters of particular importance to the state, as well as the generally marginal use of the institution of popular vote in the constitutional prac-tice, give rise to reflection on the introduction of the institution of a referendum law into the Polish constitutional system. In this article the author considers the advantages and disadvantages of such a solution, analyzing at the same time contemporary normative regulations concerning such acts in other countries. The research leads to the conclusion that despite the risks involved, the refer-endum law should appear in the Polish constitutional system in the future, as it would not only give a chance for a more complete reflection of the will of the collective subject of sovereignty without the necessity of its decoding by the parliament, but it could also be an impulse for the development of the referendum practice in the Republic of Poland. However, it is important to introduce proce-dural barriers that will prevent depreciation of this institution.


2019 ◽  
Vol 15 (3) ◽  
pp. 98-99
Author(s):  
Vyacheslav Bobkov

The author overviews the International economic Forum held in the Republic of Poland in 2019 dedicated to the future of Europe. The topics of the discussions are presented and the participation of Russian representatives analyzed, the contents of the two discussion panels «The Crisis of the middle classes: transformation or erosion?» and «Fast, cheap and substandard-the state of modern human resources» being given in detail.


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