„We Don’t Learn Democracy in a Workshop!“

Sociologus ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 69 (1) ◽  
pp. 75-94
Author(s):  
Judith Albrecht

Zusammenfassung Der Artikel beschäftigt sich mit der neuen Frauenbewegung in Benghazi, den Chancen und Grenzen, die sie in der gesellschaftlichen Neuorganisation des Landes erfährt, und wirft einen ethnographischen Blick auf den postrevolutionären Kontext und die Rolle der Frauen als Akteurinnen im Kontext politischer Umbrüche. Während bei der Revolution weibliche Unterstützung in vielen Bereichen genutzt wurde, sehen sich Frauen, die aktiv an der Revolution partizipierten, damit konfrontiert ihre Rolle als politische und religiöse Akteurinnen in der Öffentlichkeit wieder zu verlieren. Der bislang unvollendete institutionelle Umbau des politischen Systems in Libyen hat Rückwirkungen auf die innere Sicherheit. Vor allem Frauen sind von dem anhaltenden Sicherheitsvakuum betroffen. Die Grenzen zwischen Privatem und Öffentlichem erfahren eine Umdeutung und werden rigider gezogen. Diese stehen in direkter Verbindung mit einer religiös fundamentalistischen Interpretation von Geschlechterrollen. An das Bild der wahlweise verschleierten oder unverschleierten Frau werden konkrete politische Vorstellungen geknüpft. In dem Artikel wird daher der Verbindung von Politik und Geschlechterrollen nachgegangen. Schlagworte: Libyen, Revolution, Gender, Konflikt Abstract This article focuses on the new women’s movement in Benghazi, the opportunities and limitations it is facing, and addresses the post-revolutionary situation in Libya, specifically the social positions of women during this period of radical political change. While the revolution drew on the support and activities of women in a variety of different spheres, social barriers are currently being re-imposed, and women who actively participated in the revolution find themselves facing the possibility that they may once again loose their role as political and religious protagonists in the public realm. Women are affected by the ongoing violence and lack of security. The borders between the private and public realms are being reinterpreted and rigidly redrawn. Both this reinterpretation and the re-imposition of social barriers are directly related to an understanding of gender roles based on a fundamentalist interpretation of religion. This means that the image of a woman who may choose to go veiled or unveiled has become a political one, upon which distinct positions have been taken. The article investigates the degree to which a connection between politics and gender roles in Libya can be drawn. Keywords: Libya, revolution, gender, conflict

Author(s):  
Agnieszka Legutko

Celia Dropkin, one of the greatest yet lesser-known Yiddish poets, revolutionized modern Yiddish poetry with her pioneering exploration of gender dynamics. Bold erotic motifs in Dropkin’s poetry shocked her contemporaries, while her poems, written mostly in the 1920s and 1930s, sound au courant in the twenty-first century. In her poetry, Dropkin addressed themes such as sexuality, love, artistic creativity, motherhood, and nature — as well as domination and sexual politics in man-woman relationships. Born in Bobruisk, Belarus as Tsilye Levin, she wrote her first poems in Russian at the age of 10. After her immigration to the USA in 1912, she began writing in Yiddish, making her literary debut in 1918. She was affiliated with modernist groups formed by Yiddish poets in America, such as Di Inzikhistin [Introspectivists] and Di Yunge [The Young]. During her lifetime, she published only one volume of poetry, In heysn vint. Her children reissued the volume after her death, updating it to include her short stories and reproductions of paintings that she created later in life. Dropkin’s modernist poetry shattered cultural stereotypes about the social and gender roles imposed on men and women, making her a path-breaking poet who ‘filled the stillness of Yiddish poetry with a passionate breath’ (Yakov Glatshtayn).


2019 ◽  
Vol 5 (3) ◽  
pp. 205630511986180 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ursula Lutzky ◽  
Robert Lawson

This article presents the findings of a corpus linguistic analysis of the hashtags #mansplaining, #manspreading, and #manterruption, three lexical blends which have recently found widespread use across a variety of online media platforms. Focusing on the social media and microblogging site Twitter, we analyze a corpus of over 20,000 tweets containing these hashtags to examine how discourses of gender politics and gender relations are represented on the site. More specifically, our analysis suggests that users include these hashtags in tweets to index their individual evaluations of, and assumptions about, “proper” gendered behavior. Consequently, their metadiscursive references to the respective phenomena reflect their beliefs of what constitutes appropriate (verbal) behavior and the extent to which gender is appropriated as a variable dictating this behavior. As such, this article adds to our knowledge of the ways in which gendered social practices become sites of contestation and how contemporary gender politics play out in social media sites.


2001 ◽  
Vol 18 (3) ◽  
pp. 345-357 ◽  
Author(s):  
Theresa Walton

NBA player Latrell Sprewell’s attack on his coach, P.J. Carlesimo, in 1997, received extraordinary attention in the media. The coverage of the incident and subsequent trial revealed the media’s attitude toward violence within cultural representations of sport. This paper focuses on the way that violence associated with sport can be understood in relationship to the normalization of violence against women in American culture. Specifically, I focus on how the violent acts of athletes and coaches elicit different social responses depending on the social status of the victim. I argue that media representations, framed within narratives that construct their importance around gendered ideas of private and public spheres, work to support current race, class, and gender hierarchies. I also offer alternative ways of understanding the incident given the peculiar work setting of professional sport.


2010 ◽  
Vol 42 ◽  
pp. 55-76 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nerina Weiss

AbstractThis article calls for a critical scholarly engagement with women's participation in the Kurdish movement. Since the 1980s, women have appropriated the political sphere in different gender roles, and their activism is mostly seen as a way of empowerment and emancipation. Albeit legitimate, such a claim often fails to account for the social and political control mechanisms inherent in the new political gender roles. This article presents the life stories of four Kurdish women. Although politically active, these women do not necessarily define themselves through their political activity. Thus they do not present their life story according to the party line, but dwell on the different social and political expectations, state violence and the contradicting role models with whom they have to deal on a daily basis. Therefore, the status associated with their roles, especially those of the “new” and emancipated woman, does not necessarily represent their own experiences and subjectivities. Women who openly criticize the social and political constraints by transgressing the boundaries of accepted conduct face social as well as political sanctions.


2018 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 46
Author(s):  
B. A. Isaev

the article analyzes one of the most important features of the revolution — its structure. The author highlights several structures, but the main attention is focusing on the analysis of сonflictologycal, socio-political and stage-event structure of the revolution. In the first part of the article examines the сonflictologycal and socio-political structures of the revolution. Conflictologycal structure characterizes the revolution as a massive socio-political conflict. It may be static and dynamic nature. Static сonflictologycal structure of the revolution consists of five components: 1. several warring sides the revolutionary conflict; 2. instigators and accomplices of the revolution of radical parties and groups, as well as instigators from abroad; 3. intermediaries from the side, usually from other States or international organizations; 4. conflict situation or the causes and motives of the revolution; 5. the background of the conflict, that is, the state of society before and during the revolution. Dynamic conflictologycal structure of the revolution includes: 1. latent stage of the conflict or the revolutionary situation exists in a latent form; 2. open stage, where political upheaval has not yet occurred, but it already speak and write openly, that creates social tension and violence, which have yet to develop into mass violence; 3. political upheaval; 4. moderate reform of the revolutionary Government; 5. the coming to power of the radical revolutionaries and a revolutionary escalation of conflict; 6. settlement of the revolutionary conflict that occurs when the come to power moderate and pragmatic forces. The social structure of the revolution shows on which layers and classes towards revolution differentially society. The political structure shared political forces on revolutionary and counterrevolutionary camps consisting of parties, movements their military organizations, units of the army and police. Social and political components form a single socio-political structure of the revolution. Its structural features are the so-called «new» and «color» revolution.


2017 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 70-81
Author(s):  
Hilde Rustad

Abstract This article examines issues related to age and gender within the European contact improvisation community (ECIC). In particular, my research interest is to find out more about experiences related to values in the dance genre of contact improvisation (CI), and how they relate to the values associated with democracy understood to be embedded in CI. From 2014 to 2017, I conducted interviews with seven persons who are CI dancers and teachers from different European countries. The interview material shows that a double set of values is communicated in the ECIC: one that is taught, spoken, written and understood to be holding on to and embodying ’the social ideologies of the early ’70s which rejected traditional gender roles and social hierarchies’ (Novack, 1990, 11) and a second set in which traditional gender roles and social hierarchies are active and experienced by European CI dancer-teachers and dancers when participating in CI events.


Author(s):  
Kana Takamatsu

This chapter identifies the post-conflict social barriers to the social reintegration of female ex-combatants. This study refers to the case of Sri Lanka concerning the conflict between the government of Sri Lanka and the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) that ended in 2009. During the conflict, the LTTE actively recruited female combatants, and women consisted of a significant number of the entire LTTE combatants. However, after the end of the conflict and even today, many of them are rejected by the community. First of all, the LTTE was fighting for Tamil's independence, but Tamil's community has expressed mixed opinions toward the LTTE. Second, female ex-combatants were then and are now a divergence from the gender norms of their society. Third, from their roles in the conflict, female ex-combatants experienced an indelible change in their ideas through the conflict and observed themselves as capable of being independent women. Consequently, they felt a high level of resistance to returning to traditional gender roles.


2021 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 10-19
Author(s):  
Cynantia Rachmijati ◽  
Sri Supiah Cahyati

Gender roles are an important part of culture. How the genders are portrayed in the literature contributes to the image young adults develops of their gender roles and the role of gender in the social order. This research entitled  “Cinderella VS Timun Mas : Exploring gender stereotypes and culture as learning materials purposes” aimed to analyze the content of both “Cinderella” and “Timun Mas” which cover: 1. Occupations and Gender Stereotypes; 2 Centrality of Female and Male Characters; 3. Culture Content ; and 4 Suitability as learning material purposes. This research is a qualitative study using content analysis. It was carried out with procedures: collecting, analyzing, and presenting data. Based on research questions it is revealed that for occupation and gender types showed that “Timun mas” has varieties of gender with 66,67% reference whereas “Cinderella” only has 50% references. For the centrality of male and female character, “Cinderella’ has more varieties in 37,5% male and 62,5% female whereas in “Timun Mas” showed 50% for both genders”. For the cultural content, in “Timun Mas” the cultural content found was 60% and in “Cinderella” was 80%. And the suitability to be used as learning materials showed that “Timun Mas” checked with 16 points whereas “Cinderella” checked with 20 points. It can be concluded that both can be used as authentic learning materials for gender references, but “Cinderella” has more varieties and cultural content compared to “Timun Mas”.


1997 ◽  
Vol 40 (2) ◽  
pp. 199-225 ◽  
Author(s):  
Diane N. Lye ◽  
Ingrid Waldron

This study investigates four hypotheses concerning relationships between values or beliefs and attitudes toward cohabitation, family and gender roles. These are the Social Concerns Hypothesis, the Political Ideology Hypothesis, the Higher Order Needs Hypothesis, and the Consumerism Hypothesis. Each hypothesis has been tested, using data from several nationally representative subsamples of white high school seniors. As predicted by the Social Concerns Hypothesis, students with more social concerns had more favorable attitudes toward gender equality and nontraditional gender roles, particularly among males. This finding suggests that, for males, concern for fairness and the well-being of others may be an important motive for support for gender equality and acceptance of nontraditional gender roles. As predicted by the Political Ideology Hypothesis, conservative political beliefs were associated with traditional attitudes toward cohabitation, family, and gender roles. In contrast, our findings provide only weak support for the Higher Order Needs Hypothesis, and our findings suggest that the Consumerism Hypothesis should be reformulated.


2019 ◽  
Vol 9 (4) ◽  
pp. 155-165
Author(s):  
Claire de Motte ◽  
Gabriella Mutale

Purpose The purpose of this paper is to explore the way gender and gender roles are socially constructed by those who have experience of females committing sexual offences against children. Design/methodology/approach Using a discursive approach, supported by membership category analysis, a secondary analysis of qualitative data illustrates how the social construction of gender and gender roles impacts on society’s perception of females who commit sexual offences against children. Findings Discourse analysis found three patterns employed within conversation that demonstrate how the construction of women influence society’s incomprehension of females who commit sexual offences against children: women can be trusted, women do not manipulate and groom and, women are not sexually aggressive. Research limitations/implications A limitation of this study is the use of secondary data, which cannot provide the richness or detail found in primary accounts from people with this lived experience. The difficulty in accessing this sub-population highlights the hidden nature of the topic and the need for further research in this area. Originality/value This is the first study to explore how gender discourse is used in discussions of females who commit sexual offences against children. The value of this exploration highlights the need of society to adjust their perceptions of the offending capabilities of women and to ensure the experiences of people who experience this form of sexual abuse receive support.


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