scholarly journals Chinchilla de Montearagón y el diezmo eclesiástico de su distrito. Siglos XVII-XVIII

2020 ◽  
Vol 65 ◽  
pp. 41-84
Author(s):  
Vicente Montojo Montojo

: In this text, the participation of the population of Chinchilla and others of its district in the administration and management of ecclesiastical tithe in the 17th and 18th centuries, a part of the agrarian production that is delivered to the Diocese of Cartagena (bishop and council cathedral, based in Murcia) and the king (royal thirds) or even the lord in the case of manors. This popular action in the ecclesiastical tithe took place on the part of diverse social groups, reason why it is illustrative of the social organization and its evolution, in which the policy of the enlightened governments of the eighteenth century influenced by the liberalization of the cereal prices (previously appraised) and the setting of new contributions, such as the pious fund and frutos civiles. In this way, the social composition of Chinchilla is made known a little more, a city to which hardly any attention has been devoted in these aspects.

2018 ◽  
Vol 17 (4) ◽  
pp. 78
Author(s):  
Ian Morris,

Ian Morris a társadalmi fejlődés (social development) fogalmával az emberi közösségek képességét fejezi ki „dolgok elintézésére” a világban. Az így értelmezett társadalmi fejlettség mérhető és összehasonlító állapotokat jelent, térben és időben. Morris 4 tényező (az energiafelhasználás, a társadalmi szerveződés, az információtechnológia és a hadviselő kapacitás) kvantifikálásával megszerkesztett indexét kifejtő könyvéből az információtechnológiára vonatkozó, a többihez hasonlóan a Kelet és a Nyugat összehasonlítására épülő fejezetet fordítottuk le. Úttörő okfejtései és becslései remek kiindulópontok, hogy újraértékeljük és alaposan végiggondoljuk az információtechnológia helyét és „küldetését” a beavatkozásképesség, a cselekvési hatékonyság szempontjából. A tanulmányt Z. Karvalics László bevezetésével közöljük. --- The civilization path of information technology: measurement and classification Ian Morris defines social development as “social groups’ abilities to master their physical and intellectual environments and get things done in the world”. From this approach, “social development is - in principle - something we can measure and compare through time and space”. The Social Development Index of Morris is based on the quantifiable attributes of four pillars: energy capture, social organization, information technology, war-making capacity, comparing the numbers of the West and the East. We have translated and published the information technology chapter of his book with Laszlo Z. Karvalics’ introduction to support the re-evaluation of the role and mission of information technology throughout the ages from a special point of view: to facilitate the ability to act effectively.


2006 ◽  
Vol 39 (3) ◽  
pp. 341-362 ◽  
Author(s):  
PAOLA BERTUCCI

In the eighteenth century, dramatic electrical performances were favourite entertainments for the upper classes, yet the therapeutic uses of electricity also reached the lower strata of society. This change in the social composition of electrical audiences attracted the attention of John Wesley, who became interested in the subject in the late 1740s. The paper analyses Wesley's involvement in the medical applications of electricity by taking into account his theological views and his proselytizing strategies. It sets his advocacy of medical electricity in the context of his philanthropic endeavours aimed at the sick poor, connecting them to his attempts to spread Methodism especially among the lower classes. It is argued that the healing virtues of electricity entailed a revision of the morality of electrical experiment which made electric sparks powerful resources for the popularization of the Methodist way of life, based on discipline, obedience to established authorities and love and fear of God.


Author(s):  
Gavin Williams

This chapter tracks timbre through the mediated public sphere of Milan, as it came to congeal in Italian Futurism. Long mythologized as the origin of noisy art, sound scholars have yet to consider what the movement’s timbres meant in their time. They emerged beneath the rubric of “musical sensibility”—a coinage that harked back to timbre’s eighteenth-century emergence under the sign of aesthetic attention within Western modernities. The Futurists’ activities can thus be broadly historicized; vice versa, in their own context, timbre becomes estranged as a centuries-old concern. The Futurists’ interest in timbre dates them; it also proves their undoing: they set out to colonize the world of timbre, but social and technological factors intervene. Thus, while Futurism may not yield origins for modernism, it underscores the relational nature of listening—especially listening for timbre, which, as the social organization of concentrated listening, unexpectedly manifests when aesthetic attention breaks down.


Divercities ◽  
2018 ◽  
pp. 211-234
Author(s):  
Katrin Großmann ◽  
Georgia Alexandri ◽  
Maria Budnik ◽  
Annegret Haase ◽  
Christian Haid ◽  
...  

This chapter analyses which categories are mobilised by residents to describe the social groups in their area and which normative assessments are attached to those descriptions. This intersectionality approach allows one to see social stratification at work in how inhabitants of diverse neighbourhoods in Leipzig, Paris, and Athens perceive, describe, and judge their social environment. The three cities that are analysed represent different histories of diversification, and all three of them have experienced societal disruptions and change. The residents' own positionality shapes how they categorise other residents and judge their social environment. Moreover, the construction of social groups in diverse neighbourhoods in these cities draws on a variety of rather classic social categories and is influenced by national discourses. Stigmatisation often occurs at the intersections of these categories. Also, neighbourhood change is an important factor in the construction of social groups.


Author(s):  
John W Cairns

The Bar was a socially exclusive institution in most countries, even though it was in theory an open one. This chapter focuses on two curious episodes towards the end of the eighteenth century, when the Faculty unsuccessfully attempted to exclude two men — John Wright and Robert Forsyth — from membership. The debates among the Faculty arising from these episodes show the deployment of the language of manners, sentiment, and politeness, as well as argument about the traditional Roman models of what it was to be an advocate. To some extent, we can view these debates as helping redefine not only the advocates’ perception of themselves, whereby they moved away from identification with the Roman jurists, but also the role of Roman law in the training of the Bar. At the same time, the social composition of the Faculty was changing.


Ethnologies ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 40 (2) ◽  
pp. 75-92
Author(s):  
Götz Hoeppe

For much of the 20thcentury, indigenous cosmologies, understood as the totalizing worldviews of delimited social groups, were one of ethnology’s central topics. In the last few decades, however, the concept of cosmology no longer sat well with many ethnologists’ wariness of identifying social wholes as analytic units and with accepting correspondences of social organization with orders of time, space, and color, among others. Recently, Allen Abramson and Martin Holbraad, in their 2014 bookFraming Cosmologies, called for a “second wind” of anthropologists’ attention to cosmologies, now including popular understandings of Western science. While endorsing this broadened attention to cosmology and the uses of analyst’s perspectives, I call for remaining attentive to the practical uses of cosmologies by the actors that ethnographers learn from. This entails attending to the social accountabilities and organizational contexts that constrain how people act. I seek to illustrate this by drawing on ethnographies of fishers in south India as well as of astrophysicists in Germany.


Author(s):  
Fabrício Vinhas Manini Angelo

O presente trabalho busca apresentar as principais das estratégias educativas das famílias em relação a sua descendência para as comarcas do Rio da Velhas e de Vila Rica entre cerca de 1720 e 1770. A partir do aparato conceitual cunhado por Pierre Bourdieu, o objetivo do trabalho é compreender os sentidos destas estratégias, principalmente, em relação a busca e manutenção da distinção social. A partir dos testamentos é possível mapear uma série de estratégias na busca ou manutenção desta distinção social. Para isto é necessário ir além da ideia que contemporaneamente se tem sobre educação, que basicamente se restringe ao ambiente escolar, pois esta e outras instituições deste tipo (seminários, internatos, conventos) eram bem menos comuns e em geral restritos a grupos sociais muito específicos na região e período em tela. Desta maneira, o que se pretende aqui é compreender como a religião, os ofícios, bem como a escola, mestres e professores funcionavam para estas famílias na intenção de educarem seus descendentes. Além disso, busca-se compreender como estas famílias se organizavam para garantir a educação, em seu sentido mais amplo, de seus herdeiros em um período e região nos quais não existiam colégios ou ordens religiosas atuando em Minas e também ainda não existiam políticas estatais tão claras sobre esta matéria.Family, education and work: the educational strategies of families in relation to their “descendants” in the comarca of Rio de Velhas and the omarca of Vila Rica (c. 1720 and c. 1770). The present paper tries has the main goal to present the educative strategies of the families in relation to their descendants in the comarca of Rio das Velhas and in the comarca of Vila Rica in the eighteenth century. In this paper, the conceptual apparatus coined by Pierre Bourdieu will be used. The main objective of the paper is to understand the meanings of these strategies, especially in relation to the achieve and maintain the social distinction. From the wills it is possible to map several strategies in the achieve and maintain the social distinction. However, it is necessary to go beyond the idea that we have at the present time about education and that it is restricted to school, this and other institutions similars (seminaries, boarding schools, convents) In general were restricted to very specific social groups in this region and age. In this way, what is intended here is to understand how religion, crafts, as well as school and teachers worked for these families in order to educate their descendants. In addition, it seeks to understand how these families were organized to ensure the education, in the wide sense, of their descendants in a period and region that did not exist, schools or colleges and religious orders do not operate in Minas and also there were not yet clear state policies for education. Keywords: Strategies; Educational strategies; Bourdieu; Eighteenth century.


Author(s):  
Moshe J. Rosman

This chapter evaluates the social conflicts in Międzybóż in the generation of the Besht. It characterizes the alignment of various social groups in the town, and suggests implications that these may have had for the Besht's status in the town and for the development of early hasidism. Discussions of social conflict in the Jewish communities of eighteenth-century Poland generally tend to consider the phenomenon in terms of the élite class versus the ‘common people’. According to the usual construction, rich, politically powerful individuals, particularly those with close ties to Polish magnates, monopolized control over the institutional resources of the Jewish community in order to benefit themselves and exploit or oppress the poor and powerless. There is evidence that, to some extent, this paradigm fits the circumstances of the Jews in Międzybóż during the time of the Besht's residence there.


1994 ◽  
Vol 22 (1) ◽  
pp. 41-59 ◽  
Author(s):  
B. Gordon Blackwood

Historians are generally agreed that Lancashire was the most Catholic and the most Jacobite county in England at the time of the 1715 rebellion. Indeed, final confirmation of this connection would seem to have been established by Professor Paul Kléber Monod. In his book,Jacobitism and the English People 1688–1788,Monod has stated that ‘Lancashire had the largest [Catholic] recusant population in England’ at the end of the seventeenth century, and that of the 688 listed English Jacobite rebels captured at Preston in 1715, 366 were from Lancashire, 227 from Northumberland, 78 from other counties, six from Ireland and eleven from unidentified places. Monod also discovered the religious affiliations of four-fifths of the Lancashire rebels and noted that 76 per cent of them were Roman Catholics. With these vital statistics in our possession it would seem that there is no need for further research on Lancashire Catholicism and Jacobitism in the early eighteenth century. But certain questions, ignored or barely touched on by Monod and other historians, need answering. First, how many Catholics were there in Lancashire in about 1715, what was their geographical distribution and social composition, and how far were they dominated by the gentry? Secondly, what was the social composition of the various Lancashire Catholic groups: the active Jacobites, the passive Jacobites and those of unknown allegiance? Thirdly, how do the Catholic and Protestant Jacobite rebels of Lancashire compare from a social and political standpoint? Finally, and confining ourselves mainly to the Catholic gentry, how strong a link was there in Lancashire between the Royalism of the Civil Wars (1642–48) and the Jacobitism of the 1715 rebellion?


1999 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 57-89 ◽  
Author(s):  
CHRISTER LUNDH

For most people in pre-industrial Sweden, the occupation of being a servant was not a lifetime job but a temporary one at which they tried their hand for a limited period during their lives. The Western European marriage pattern with its late age at marriage meant that most individuals spent about 10–15 years preparing for adulthood: saving up, being trained and seeking a partner for life. During this phase of their lives they worked as servants, changed employer frequently and therefore migrated.Until the late eighteenth century the social structure in the Swedish countryside was quite homogeneous. The nobility possessed large estates which formed an important source of employment. These were, however, few in number, and the dominant social groups were peasants, freeholders (skattebönder) and tenants on crown or noble land (kronobönder, frälsebönder), as well as servants in peasant households or on the estates. There were, of course, people with other occupations, but they did not constitute large social groups. Thus, servants formed a special social category, but, as I mentioned, very few people belonged to the category for life. Let us contrast this homogeneous picture with the diversified social structure in the late nineteenth century.


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