“Un film français et fier de l’être”: Gaspar Noé’s Climax in Context

2021 ◽  
Vol 58 (1) ◽  
pp. 100-116
Author(s):  
GREG HAINGE

Reading Gaspar Noé’s 2018 film Climax against the grain of the majority of critical reactions and the director’s own pronouncements, this article argues that this is a deeply political film. In line with West’s analysis of the films of the New French Extremity as works that are not (as suggested by Quandt) passive but a committed and politically engaged form of cinema, this article suggests that Climax can be read as an allegory of France’s current Realpolitik. Noé’s vision of this reality is revealed to be particularly bleak, for in line with the metaphysical stance of his other films, his is a universe ruled by entropic forces. The ramifications for Climax’s commentary on contemporary France are devastating, for the ideals of the Republic are shown to be no longer operational or capable of bringing people together, nor are they replaceable by any other form of identity politics.

2017 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 26-50 ◽  
Author(s):  
Asel Doolotkeldieva ◽  
Alexander Wolters

The parliamentary elections in Kyrgyzstan in October 2015 garnered widespread approval from commentators for the level of fairness and freedom maintained throughout the campaign. However, the results of the vote do not provide a clear indication of the current state of affairs of parliamentarism in the republic. Focusing on the commercialization of party lists, we argue that neither identity politics nor the logic of neopatrimonialism adequately explain the dynamics of political competition in Kyrgyzstan. Instead, we see perpetual uncertainty emerging from contradicting yet increasing attempts to harness the capital of privatized party lists and to impose discipline. Eventually, and beyond short-term threats of an emerging super-presidentialism, Kyrgyzstan risks suffering from hollow parliamentarism, with political parties persistently failing to supply legislative initiatives with substantial agendas and adequate professionals. The weakly institutionalized political parties and their short-sighted electoral strategies undermine both the parliamentary system and its political pluralism.


2017 ◽  
Vol 45 (3) ◽  
pp. 356-369 ◽  
Author(s):  
Irena Stefoska ◽  
Darko Stojanov

The redesign of Skopje's main square and the wider central area in the last six years has been a top priority of the Macedonian government. The project, called Skopje 2014, provoked intense domestic debate and controversy as well as international reaction and concern. Although officials say that project's aim is to unify ethnic Macedonians, it has produced several lines of political, intra-ethnic/interethnic as well as intra-cultural/intercultural divisions in the fragile Macedonian society. The aim of the paper is to offer reflections about its mobilizing potential among ethnic Macedonians in a set of social, economic, and political contexts. In that sense, four areas of mobilization are suggested: (1) around new identity markers; (2) around the name dispute and against threats (real or imagined) to the ethnic and national identity; (3) against the internal Other, that is, the ethnic Albanian community, as well as critics of these identity politics; and (4) in reaction to the global financial crisis and problems within the EU.


2020 ◽  
Vol 12 (3) ◽  
pp. 286-302
Author(s):  
Olga V. Bakhlova ◽  
Igor V. Bakhlov

Introduction. Nation-building is a long-term historical process that covers many areas, directions and levels. The complex composition of the Russian population and the federative structure actualize its regional dimension. The specifics and dynamics of this dimension are shown on the example of the Republics of Mari El and Mordovia, and their peoples who participated in the formation of the Russian State for centuries. The main tasks touch upon the characterization of regulatory options for the correlation of identities, content and vectors of discursive practices of national authorities, coupling mechanisms of nation-building from the perspective of identity politics to relate to the experience of both republics. Materials and Methods. The main sources were official documents of the Republic of Mari El and the Republic of Mordovia, materials that form the content of Republican Internet portals. The research was based on system, dialectical and institutional approaches, modernist constructivism and instrumentalism. The key methods are historical and diachronic, as well as multi-level and comparative analysis, and document study. Results and Discussion. The paper revealed constants and dominants of the experience of the republics of Mari El and Mordovia in the context of nation-building and identity politics. It defined dynamic changes in the period 2013–2019 and their correlation with the previous development of the Republics as Soviet autonomies and national-state entities within the Russian Federation. It emphasizes the main internal points for the specified period that demonstrate the adjustment of reference points in the ratio of identities. Conclusion. The experience of the Republics of Mari El and Mordovia in the studied perspective is evaluated as positive, but it testifies the maintenance of continuing limitations of the institutional plan both for the positioning of regional elites and for promoting effective mechanisms of nation-building at the regional level. The evolution of their practices is associated with a decrease in the value of ethnic capital as a political tool, reduction / elimination of attributes of post-Soviet strategies for sovereignization, and constructive activation of ethno-cultural organizations in Russian national projects.


2019 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 99-114
Author(s):  
Vladimir Dunaev ◽  
Valentina Kurganskaya ◽  
Mukhtarbek Shaikemelev

AbstractIn previous years, the evolution of nation-building politics in the Republic of Kazakhstan was characterized by an alternation of tactical schemes that actualized either the ethnocultural or civil-political foundations of statehood. At present, the emerging common Kazakhstani culture is becoming the basis for mutually agreed development of ethnocultural and civic identity as its own elements. In the system of common Kazakhstani culture, the civil and ethnocultural models of the nation are the poles or attractors of the process of self-organization of a single nationwide Kazakhstan identity. The optimal identity politics in the nation-building risk management in the conditions of modern Kazakhstan is to adopt the point of view of the whole set of identification models and to maintain the dynamic balance of conflicting identities through the mechanism of mutual checks and balances.


Slavic Review ◽  
2010 ◽  
Vol 69 (4) ◽  
pp. 882-902 ◽  
Author(s):  
Vasiliki P. Neofotistos

In this article, Vasiliki P. Neofotistos analyzes the reappropriation of the term Šiptar, a derogatory Macedonian term for Albanians, by male members of the Albanian community in the Republic of Macedonia. Neofotistos shows how the reappropriation of the ethnic slur reflects constellations of social value, that is to say, larger systems of meaning and action concerning who and what is valued in life, that have emerged with Macedonian independence. Albanian men tap into familiar divisions found in the larger Macedonian society and create meaningful forms of collectivity as they deal with rapid social, economic, and political change in the context of Macedonia's postsocialist transformation of social practices and ideals. This case study of Macedonia sheds light on the dynamics of social relations within socially marginalized groups.


Author(s):  
Anju Nofarof Hasudungan ◽  
Nur Fatah Abidin

<p>In the midst of the industrial revolution 4.0 and the rise of identity politics and populism. Therefore, a policy is needed that brings back Pancasila as the identity of the nation. Through the concept of Free Learning education, the Minister of Education and Culture (Mendikbud) of the Republic of Indonesia strives to generate profiles of Pancasila students. The Ministry of Education provides six indicators of pancasila student profile. Namely, noble morality, creativity, mutual assistance, global diversity, critical reasoning, and self-reliance. Historical subjects are considered as subjects capable of shaping the profile of Pancasila students. Especially in high school, historical subjects have a relatively large share in terms of time allocation. Besides, the relevance between Pancasila and history lessons gives space for teachers to explore and instil Pancasila values in students. The purpose of this research is to describe the formation of Pancasila Student Profile through historical learning. This research uses qualitative research methods of descriptive analysis. Data collection methods use literature and document studies. It is hoped that through historical learning both through the content of the content and the learning process and its relevance to Pancasila, the establishment of Pancasila Student Profile becomes an inevitable.</p>


2020 ◽  
Vol 28 (4) ◽  
pp. 723-753
Author(s):  
Olga V. Bakhlova ◽  
Igor V. Bakhlov

Introduction. In the processes of nation building and integration, it is particularly important to increase the consolidation potential of emerging communities through identity politics. The totality of challenges, threats and risks determines the need for a balanced combination of its dimensions, taking into account national and common interests of countries. In the post-Soviet space, the Union State of Belarus and Russia acts as a platform for dialogue. The aim of the study is to outline the contours of the construct of supranational identity within the framework of the Union State and to define the degree of its conjugation with the category of “national identityˮ in the discursive practices of the political leadership of Russia and Belarus. Materials and Methods. The study is based on official documents representing the specifics of interpretation of identity politics by the presidents of the Russian Federation and the Republic of Belarus, as well as on materials associated with the functioning of the Union State. Content analysis, the comparative method, and scenario analysis were employed when examining the documents. Results. The research and expert assessments of the internal and external dimensions of the identity politics of the member states, as well as the basic and derived categories of the official discourse have been analyzed; the constants and dominants, similarities and differences in the stands of Russia and Belarus have been revealed. It has also been demonstrated that there has been no fundamental contradiction in their understanding of the priorities of nation and Union building. At the same time, disagreements on a number of topical issues have been identified. The leitmotif of the official discourse is giving absolute priority to sovereignty, which has an ambiguous effect on the course of the integration of Russia and Belarus. Discussion and Conclusion. The conducted study has confirmed the hypothesis that identity politics is multilevel for the states involved in integration-oriented interaction; at the current stage, it remains complex and incomplete. The states demonstrate prevalence of the internal dimension of identity politics and “restrictiveˮ perception of its external dimension, which affects the prospects for promoting the construct of “dualˮ identity. At the same time, the Union State remains an essential integration format for Russia from the geopolitical and civilizational perspective. The approach proposed by the authors and the results obtained, which articulate the correlation of tasks in terms of nation building and integration policy, may help to improve the efficiency of political governance.


Author(s):  
Zehra F. Kabasakal Arat

Examining gender ideologies and politics since the establishment of the Republic of Turkey, this chapter follows a loose chronological order and analyzes policies and practices that discriminate on the basis of gender, struggles against such discrimination, and major progressive reforms under four periods: (1) the early decades of the republic, 1923–1945; (2) the multiparty era and class politics, 1946–1980; (3) identity politics and the reform era, 1981–2001; and (4) the AKP era, since 2002. While the focus is on domestic politics and actors, by highlighting important external connections and influences, the review contextualizes gender politics in an international context. The chapter intends to show that gender politics in Turkey have been volatile; adopted by male politicians under pressure or to achieve other goals, progressive policies remained limited and were not fully implemented; women’s political organization and mobilization were critical for progressive change; and, the authoritarian turn of the AKP threatens the advancements made before 2010 and has already caused damaging reversals in some areas.


2018 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 131-147
Author(s):  
Sakrim Miharja

Islam and Pancasila are often debated and confronted and both are often regarded as two ideological poles that are opposite each other. The dialogical process between Islam and Pancasila is a long journey of Indonesian history. Pancasila is not Islam, but Pancasila has a spirit that revives it through Islam. Pancasila is considered a gift of Muslims to the Unitary State of the Republic of Indonesia and it is impossible for Muslims to betray it. This article tries to discuss about Islam and anti-Pancasila stereotypes, a label that the government and certain groups have attached to the rise of identity politics that has brought the religion of Islam in Indonesia.


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