scholarly journals Politik Identitas dan Negara Bangsa di Riau

2019 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
pp. 1
Author(s):  
Erman ' ◽  
Muchid Albintani

Riau Vision 2020, regional regulations on Lembaga Adat Melayu[LAM] Riau, the issue of sons and non-sons of the region in regional head elections are the main characteristic of the ongoing revival of the Political Identity of the era of regional autonomy in Riau. The Rise of Identity Politics in Riau is considered to be at odds with the nation-state whose essence is recognizing diversity. The politics of identity in this context is considered to jeopardize the development of the diversity-based nation-state [nationalism]. This research aims, firstly, to address the PoliticalIdentity relationship with the nation-state in Riau in an effort to prevent local disintegration.Second, explaining the main obstacles to the Political Identity relationship with the nation-state in Riau in an effort to prevent local disintegration. The Political Approach to Identity and Nation-State is used as a theoretical framework. This study uses a qualitative approach with descriptive analysis method. Data is collected based on documents supported by interviews. After collecting the data analyzed qualitatively. The results of the study concluded, first, that the existence of theRiau 2020 vision, and the Riau Malay Customary Institution as a forum for empowerment of ‘Malays’ in the context of the Politics of Identity and State-nation, kept the potential for ethnicideological conflict.The concept of ‘Melayu’ in the vision impresses the sultry between Malay [ethnic] and Islam [ideology]. The vision is the consequence of local-minority hegemony. ‘Melayu’,structurally and constitutionally suggests that Melayu Malays ’control, even though there are minorities if they are accumulated with other ethnic groups. Second, the various obstacles that occur in the relationship between the Politics of Identity and State-nation are, [1] Malays are interpreted as hegemony in terms of relative deprivation. [2] Structural and cultural constraints have an effect on the relationship between the nation-state and the Politics of Identity [the existence of Riau LAM suggests more superiority and cultural domination. [3] Shifting issues in Political Idenitas, does not work linearly due to institutional-based personal interests. Practically this research provides an important reference for the relationship between LAM Riau and local governments that can prevent local disintegration. Academically, the relationship between the nation-state and the Politics of Identity can be constructed into a model and approach that can anticipate potential identity conflicts, especially in Riau.

ADALAH ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Zahrotunnimah Zahrotunnimah

Abstract:The discussion of this simple article was inspired by a book entitled The Politics of Identity and the Future of Our Pluralism. The problem in this book is whether the identity politics in Indonesia will jeopardize the nationalist position and pluralism in Indonesia in the future? If dangerous in what form? How to handle it? The source of this book relies on the opinion of L. A Kauffman who first explained the nature of identity politics, and who first introduced the term political identity which is still unknown. However, in this book explained substantively, identity politics is associated with the interests of members of a social group who feel blackmailed and feel alienated by large currents in a nation or state.Keywords: Identity Politics, Nation, ReligionAbstrak:Pembahasan artikel sederhana ini terinspirasi dari buku berjudul Politik Identitas dan Masa Depan Pluralisme Kita. Permasalahan dalam buku ini adalah apakah poitik identitas di Indonesia ini akan membahayakan posisi nasionalis dan pluralisme di Indonesia di masa yang akan datang? Jika berbahaya dalam bentuk apa? Bagaimana cara mengatasinya? Sumber buku ini bersandarkan pada pendapat L. A Kauffman yang pertama kali menjelaskan tentang hakekat politik identitas, dan siapa yang pertama kali memperkenalkan istilah politik identitas yang masih belum diketahui sampai saat ini. Tetapi, didalam buku ini dijelaskan secara substansif, politik identitas dikaitkan dengan kepentingan anggota-anggota sebuah kelompok sosial yang merasa diperas dan merasa tersingkir oleh arus besar dalam sebuah bangsa atau negara. Kata Kunci: Politik Identitas, Bangsa, Agama   


2019 ◽  
Vol 1 (5) ◽  
Author(s):  
Ida Susilowati ◽  
Zahrotunnimah Zahrotunnimah ◽  
Nur Rohim Yunus

AbstractPresidential Election in 2019 has become the most interesting executive election throughout Indonesia's political history. People likely separated, either Jokowi’s or Prabowo’s stronghold. Then it can be assumed, when someone, not a Jokowi’s stronghold he or she certainly within Prabowo’s stronghold. The issue that was brought up in the presidential election campaign, sensitively related to religion, communist ideology, China’s employer, and any other issues. On the other side, politics identity also enlivened the presidential election’s campaign in 2019. Normative Yuridis method used in this research, which was supported by primary and secondary data sourced from either literature and social phenomenon sources as well. The research analysis concluded that political identity has become a part of the political campaign in Indonesia as well as in other countries. The differences came as the inevitability that should not be avoided but should be faced wisely. Finally, it must be distinguished between political identity with the politicization of identity clearly.Keywords. Identity Politics, 2019 Presidential Election


Author(s):  
Remi Chukwudi Okeke

This study examines the linkages between relative deprivation and identity politics in a postcolonial state. It further investigates the relationship among these variables and nation-building challenges in the postcolony. It is a case study of the Nigerian state in West Africa, which typically harbours the attributes of postcoloniality and indeed, large measures of relative deprivation in her sociopolitical and economic affairs. The study is also an interrogation of the neo-Biafran agitations in Nigeria. It has been attempted in the study to offer distinctive explanations over the problematique of nation-building in the postcolonial African state of Nigeria, using relative deprivation, identity politics and the neo-Biafran movement as variables. In framing the study’s theoretical trajectories and in historicizing the background of the research, ample resort has been made to a significant range of qualitative secondary sources. A particularly salient position of the study is that it will actually be difficult to locate on the planet, any group of people whose subsequent generations (in perpetuity) would wear defeat on the war front, as part of their essential identity. Hence, relative deprivation was found to be more fundamental than identity politics in the neo-Biafran agitations in Nigeria. However, the compelling issues were found to squarely border on nation-building complications in the postcolony.


2004 ◽  
Vol 36 (1) ◽  
pp. 57-83 ◽  
Author(s):  
JUSTIN WOLFE

This study examines the relationship between labour and nation in nineteenth-century Nicaragua by exploring how the state's institutional efforts to control labour coincided with a prevailing discourse of nation that idealised farmers (agricultores) and wage labourers (jornaleros and operarios) at opposite ends of the spectrum of national citizenship. The article focuses on the towns of the ethnically diverse region of the Prefecture of Granada, an area that included the present-day departments of Granada, Carazo and Masaya, and where coffee production first boomed in Nicaragua. It is argued that labour coercion rested not simply on the building of national, regional and municipal institutions of labour control, but also on defining the political and social role of labourers within the national community. At the same time, subaltern communities, especially indigenous ones, contested these efforts not merely through evasion and subterfuge, but by engaging the discourse of nation-state to claim citizenship as farmers and assert independence from landlords.


2014 ◽  
Vol 1 (01) ◽  
pp. 84
Author(s):  
Elpeni Fitrah

This paper discusses how the political identity becomes a motive of Israel state formation. Identitypolitics is a part of cultural politics which consisted by race, religion, ethnic and culture. TheAuthor identified identity politics as a concept or political movement which focusing into diversity.The main argument of this paper is Israel has succeed utilize its cultural identity narrative to unitethe perception of the Jewish around the world to reproduce as a historical justification as well asthe tools of politics for the sake of the embodiment of national ideals in establishing their ownnation state. Keywords: Identity Politics, Narrative, Perception, Israel


Author(s):  
Oliver Owen

The politics of Nigeria have often been considered a matter of managing social diversity in a political economy whose extremes have been exaggerated by oil money. But this story is incomplete without thinking instead more deeply about inequality, about political party origins and ideologies as well as identities, and about politics beyond parties and elections. Bureaucracy, mass mobilization, and everyday practice are equally important issues in Nigerian politics as the country moves through another economic transformation. Nigeria’s political structures have been built around questions of managing diversity and allocating resources, and the country’s federal system embeds a tension between how much power is managed from the center and how much is devolved to the constituent states and local governments. As well as parties, legislatures, and executives, security institutions have been prominent in the country’s political formation, and public institutions are both formed around, and are vectors of forming, elite social networks. Partly due to long-standing models of social legitimacy and partly as a result of the kind of identity politics Nigeria has chosen to manage diversity, models of citizenship based on localized belonging are pervasive drivers of political patterning. Political factions and parties, often characterized as election-winning aggregations of patron-client networks, also however embed distinct historical ideological traditions, which chart Nigeria’s movements between liberal capitalism and state-directed development and which have driven both domestic debates and a continental and regional leadership role. Tensions around inequalities and the realm of the political more generally cannot be understood as a matter of governmental institutions alone but bring in religion, gender construction, labor movements, the media, civil society, and new social movements, as well as the “ineffable politics” of tactic, techniques, norms, and practices that fix the realm of the political as a key part of everyday social and economic life.


Author(s):  
Joseph Arthur Mann

As the English people strode closer to armed conflict in the 1630s and early 1640s, the political disagreements between Charles I and his Parliament acquired a religious dimension. Not all Royalists were Anglicans, and not all Parliamentarians were Puritans, but it is undeniable that each group developed a unique political identity that included manner of dress and religious belief. As these identities solidified, each group used both their own identity and the opposing group’s identity to their advantage to inspire new supporters to join, strengthen in-group support, and inspire hatred against the opposition. Chapter one tells the story of how sacred and secular music was pressed into service by both sides of the English Civil War to serve a variety of propaganda purposes. Sacred music became a convenient political symbol for the religious differences between Anglicans/Royalists and Parliamentarians/Puritans that was easy to understand and thereby accessible to the largest possible audience of potential supporters. Likewise, secular music helped to ensure that the English populace was immersed in the political struggle even in their moments of leisure, and thereby at once more likely to maintain their fervent devotion to their side and their fervent hatred of the enemy.


Islamology ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 70
Author(s):  
Milos Milovanovic

The study discusses the relationships between demography and the development of Muslim political identity in Bosnia and Herzegovina (B&H). The main question that this paper aims to answer is: To what extent have the demographic components of Bosnia and Herzegovina’s population (both natural and spatial movement) framed the unique political identity of the Muslim/Bosniak population in relation to Orthodox/Serbs and Catholics/Croats.The paper seeks to examine the concept of population numbers as an object of political competition, including how patterns of demographic behavior vary between religious groups and further impact political identity. Thus, the article perceives the population census as an object of political struggle.Hence, by using the final results of the censuses, the study clarifiesthe significance of population numbers in the construction ofthe identity politics of Muslims in B&H. Furthermore, the paperargues for the significance of population statistics in constructingof the political identity of religious groups in a multi-ethnic society, emphasizing that demography holds important clues to the pattern of political behavior, and that specific forms of demographic variations are correlated with distinguished political agendas. Additionally, the study traces the political life and rise of the first president of independent Bosnia—Alija Izetbegović—as an embodiment of Muslims’ political identity.Arguing that demography is an important component of the development of political identity, the paper expects to stimulate interest from other scientific fields as it adds to our understanding of relationships between demography, religion, and politics. Finally, the study intends to open a supplementary research agenda focusing on the effects of demography on politics, beyond those explored within the limits of political studies.


2021 ◽  
Vol 6 (22) ◽  
pp. 238-252
Author(s):  
Adil Arifin ◽  
Fajar Utama Ritonga

The purpose of this study is to measure how much is influence political identity has on the tolerance of the people of Pematangsiantar City in the Governor Election of Sumatera Utara Province of 2018. The research method uses a quantitative approach with a correlation approach, the population in this study is Pematangsiantar City who is registered in the 2018 Daftar Pemilih Tetap (DPT), the research sample uses a 5% margin so that a sample of 399 people was obtained. The sampling technique used a proportional multistage random sampling spread over the research locations, namely 8 districts and 53 sub-districts in Pematangsiantar City. The data collection technique uses a research questionnaire that has been tested for its validity and reliability. data analysis technique using Rank Spearman. The results show the correlation between the political identity variable and the tolerance of peoples in Pematangsiantar City in the 2018 Sumatra Utara governor election is (-0.120) which means very weak, negative, significant, and a two-way significance value or sig (2-tailed) of 0.017 because the number of significance is 0.017<0.05. This illustrates that political identity has a weak influence on the tolerance of the Pematangsiantar City community in social life, if political identity is high, then the social tolerance of the community will be low (intolerance still occurs in differences in choice due to politics of identity/ethnicity, religion, and regional origin), however, if identity politics is low in the 2018 Sumatera Utara governor election, then social tolerance will be high. In conclusion, the people of Pematangsiantar City, which is known as “Tolerant City”, cannot be separated from the influence of political identity in the 2018 Sumatra Utara Governor Election.


2020 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 47
Author(s):  
Mohamad Baihaqi

Penyerangan terhadap Jemaat Ahmadiyah di Gegerung-Lombok terjadi pada 2005-2006 dan 2010. Pada tahun itu kontestasi pemilihan kepala desa bakal dilaksanakan. Beberapa bulan menjelang pemilihan kepala desa, salah satu tokoh agama kerap menyampaikan ceramah yang bernada provokatif. Belakangan diketahui bahwa tokoh agama tersebut berafiliasi dengan salah satu kontestan calon kepala desa. Penelitian ini mengungkapkan bahwa konflik dan kekerasan terhadap Jemaat Ahmadiyah di Gegerung terjadi secara instrumental yang disebabkan oleh adanya kepentingan politik tokoh agama dan salah satu kandidat dalam pemilihan kepala desa setempat. Sekaligus menunjukkan bahwa konflik dan kekerasan terhadap Jemaat Ahmadiyah tidak hanya disebabkan oleh faktor perbedaan keyakinan antara Jemaat Ahmadiyah dan warga Desa Gegerung-Lombok Barat. Bukan pula terjadi semata karena adanya fatwa MUI dan peraturan diskriminatif bupati Lombok Barat. Keduanya tidak berhubungan secara langsung sebagai pemicu konflik dan kekerasan. Konflik dan kekerasan terhadap Ahmadiyah di Desa Gegerung justru terjadi karena adanya campur tangan politisi dan tokoh agama di yang menjadikan perbedaan sebagai komoditas politik.[The attack on the Jemaah Ahmadiyah in Gegerung-Lombok occurred in 2005-2006 and 2010 in conjunction with the contestation for the headman election. A few months before the village headman election, one of the religious leaders often delivered provocative lectures. It was later discovered that this religious figure was affiliated with one of the village head candidate contestants. This research focuses on whether there is a relationship between the political situation in Gegerung Village and the presence of the Jemaah Ahmadiyah? Does this relationship have a correlation with conflict and violence? Using the descriptive analysis method, this research aims to reveal the relationship between the potential situation of Gegerung Village and the existence of the Jemaah Ahmadiyah and its correlation with conflict and violence. The results showed that the conflict and violence against the Jemaah Ahmadiyah in Gegerung occurred instrumentally due to the political interests of religious leaders and one of the candidates in the local village head election. In addition, the researcher also found that the conflict and violence against the Jemaah Ahmadiyah was not only caused by factors of differences in beliefs between the Ahmadiyah congregation and residents of Gegerung Village-West Lombok, nor was it simply due to the MUI fatwa and the discriminatory regulations of the West Lombok Regent. Both are not directly related as triggers of conflict and violence. The conflict and violence against Ahmadiyah in Gegerung Village actually occurred because of the interference of politicians and religious figures who made differences as a political commodity.]


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