scholarly journals Pilkada DKI Jakarta 2017 : Dinamika Politik Identitas di Indonesia

2019 ◽  
Vol 4 (4) ◽  
pp. 12
Author(s):  
Dina Lestari

Regional Election in one of implementation of people  sovereignty that carried out directly, publicly, freely, confidentially, honestly and fairly. But regional election is often colored by identity politics in achieving pragmatic goals such as in the DKI Jakarta Election 2017. This study using a qualitative approach which is a contextual research that seeks to emphasize the meaning of a phenomenon of human behavior interactions in certain situations. This paper aims to find out about the 2017 DKI Jakarta regional election : the political identity dynamics in Indonesia. The results of this study are expected to provide input to relevant stakeholders to prevent the spread of identity politics in Indonesia

Simulacra ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 31
Author(s):  
Dina Lestari

<p><em>Regional Election is one of implementation of people sovereignty that carried out directly, publicly, freely, confidentially, honestly and fairly. But regional election is often colored by identity politics in achieving pragmatic goals such as in the DKI Jakarta Election 2017. This study using a qualitative approach which is a contextual research that seeks to emphasize the meaning of a phenomenon of human behavior interactions in certain situations. This paper aims to find out about the 2017 DKI Jakarta regional election: the political identity dynamics in Indonesia. The results of this study are expected to provide input to relevant stakeholders to prevent the spread of identity politics in Indonesia.</em></p>


2019 ◽  
Vol 1 (5) ◽  
Author(s):  
Ida Susilowati ◽  
Zahrotunnimah Zahrotunnimah ◽  
Nur Rohim Yunus

AbstractPresidential Election in 2019 has become the most interesting executive election throughout Indonesia's political history. People likely separated, either Jokowi’s or Prabowo’s stronghold. Then it can be assumed, when someone, not a Jokowi’s stronghold he or she certainly within Prabowo’s stronghold. The issue that was brought up in the presidential election campaign, sensitively related to religion, communist ideology, China’s employer, and any other issues. On the other side, politics identity also enlivened the presidential election’s campaign in 2019. Normative Yuridis method used in this research, which was supported by primary and secondary data sourced from either literature and social phenomenon sources as well. The research analysis concluded that political identity has become a part of the political campaign in Indonesia as well as in other countries. The differences came as the inevitability that should not be avoided but should be faced wisely. Finally, it must be distinguished between political identity with the politicization of identity clearly.Keywords. Identity Politics, 2019 Presidential Election


2014 ◽  
Vol 1 (01) ◽  
pp. 84
Author(s):  
Elpeni Fitrah

This paper discusses how the political identity becomes a motive of Israel state formation. Identitypolitics is a part of cultural politics which consisted by race, religion, ethnic and culture. TheAuthor identified identity politics as a concept or political movement which focusing into diversity.The main argument of this paper is Israel has succeed utilize its cultural identity narrative to unitethe perception of the Jewish around the world to reproduce as a historical justification as well asthe tools of politics for the sake of the embodiment of national ideals in establishing their ownnation state. Keywords: Identity Politics, Narrative, Perception, Israel


2020 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 69
Author(s):  
Zainal Arifin

Provinsi Lampung adalah salah satu cerminan wilayah multikultural yang ada di Indonesia. Multikultural yang ada di wilayah Lampung tidak bisa dilepaskan dari terbukanya komunitasnya dalam menerima kehadiran etnis lain di wilayahnya, yang tertuang dalam nilai-nilai budaya piil pesenggiri yang mereka miliki. Akan tetapi, piil pesenggiri pula sering diklaim sebagai penyebab konflik yang sering melibatkan orang Lampung. Ini menunjukkan ada paradoks cara pandang dalam memahami piil pesenggiri sebagai identitas orang Lampung. Penelitian ini menggunakan pendekatan kualittif dengan teknik pengumpulan data wawancara dan observasi, yang ditujukan untuk membantah klaim bahwa konflik yang sering terjadi di wilayah Lampung, disebabkan karena menguatnya piil pesenggiri. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa piil pesenggiri sebagai identitas, justru mampu menciptakan harmoni dengan etnis lain. Melalui kasus komunitas Lampung di Way Kanan, mekanisme politik pengorganisasian identitas (politik identitas) tersebut, komunitas Lampung justru mampu menguatkan identitas piil pesenggiri-nya, sekaligus mampu menciptakan harmoni di tengah masyarakatrnya. Lampung Province is a reflection of multicultural region in Indonesia. Multiculturalism in the region is related to the openness of the community in accepting the presence of other ethnic groups in the region. The principle of openness is contained in the values of the piil pesenggiri as as a part of their culture. But on the other hand, the piil pesenggiri was also often claimed as a cause of conflict involving frequently Lampungnese. This situation ilustrated the existence of paradoxes of perspective in understanding the piil pesenggiri as Lampung people's identity. The research employs a qualitative approach with interview and observation data collection techniques. The research purposes is to obtain findings to refute the claims of the piil pesenggiri as trigger of frequent conflict in Lampung. The results of the study demonstrates the facts contradicting the claims. The piil pesenggiri as identity actually was even able to create harmony with other ethnic groups. In the case of the Lampungnese community in Way Kanan, through the political mechanism of organizing identity (politics of identitiy), the Lampungnese community was able to strengthen the identity of the piil pesenggiri while at the same time being able to create harmony in the community.


Author(s):  
Joseph Arthur Mann

As the English people strode closer to armed conflict in the 1630s and early 1640s, the political disagreements between Charles I and his Parliament acquired a religious dimension. Not all Royalists were Anglicans, and not all Parliamentarians were Puritans, but it is undeniable that each group developed a unique political identity that included manner of dress and religious belief. As these identities solidified, each group used both their own identity and the opposing group’s identity to their advantage to inspire new supporters to join, strengthen in-group support, and inspire hatred against the opposition. Chapter one tells the story of how sacred and secular music was pressed into service by both sides of the English Civil War to serve a variety of propaganda purposes. Sacred music became a convenient political symbol for the religious differences between Anglicans/Royalists and Parliamentarians/Puritans that was easy to understand and thereby accessible to the largest possible audience of potential supporters. Likewise, secular music helped to ensure that the English populace was immersed in the political struggle even in their moments of leisure, and thereby at once more likely to maintain their fervent devotion to their side and their fervent hatred of the enemy.


Islamology ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 70
Author(s):  
Milos Milovanovic

The study discusses the relationships between demography and the development of Muslim political identity in Bosnia and Herzegovina (B&H). The main question that this paper aims to answer is: To what extent have the demographic components of Bosnia and Herzegovina’s population (both natural and spatial movement) framed the unique political identity of the Muslim/Bosniak population in relation to Orthodox/Serbs and Catholics/Croats.The paper seeks to examine the concept of population numbers as an object of political competition, including how patterns of demographic behavior vary between religious groups and further impact political identity. Thus, the article perceives the population census as an object of political struggle.Hence, by using the final results of the censuses, the study clarifiesthe significance of population numbers in the construction ofthe identity politics of Muslims in B&H. Furthermore, the paperargues for the significance of population statistics in constructingof the political identity of religious groups in a multi-ethnic society, emphasizing that demography holds important clues to the pattern of political behavior, and that specific forms of demographic variations are correlated with distinguished political agendas. Additionally, the study traces the political life and rise of the first president of independent Bosnia—Alija Izetbegović—as an embodiment of Muslims’ political identity.Arguing that demography is an important component of the development of political identity, the paper expects to stimulate interest from other scientific fields as it adds to our understanding of relationships between demography, religion, and politics. Finally, the study intends to open a supplementary research agenda focusing on the effects of demography on politics, beyond those explored within the limits of political studies.


2020 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 28-47
Author(s):  
Bambang Aris Kartika ◽  
Nanik Sri Prihatini ◽  
Sri Hastanto ◽  
Dharsono Dharsono

Soegija's movie is a biopic film based on the historiography of the highest leaders of the people and the Catholic church in Indonesia. Soegija's film is an antithesis of Indonesian historiography so far, especially the historiography of the era of the Indonesian independence revolution. This article discusses the political affirmation and identity politics of Soegija's film from the perspective of Derrida's Deconstruction. Derrida's Deconstruction approach and historical methodology consisting of Heuristics, Hermeneutics, and internal criticism are used to understand the position of Soegija's biopic on Indonesian historiography. The results of the study show that Soegija's film is a biography moving picture of the character Mgr. Albertus Soegijapranata, who narrated historical facts about the national attitude of the Catholic leadership as the first native bishop. In deconstruction, it appears that Soegija's biopic is a representation of the political affirmation and identity politics of educational cultural resistance to the truth of the historical facts of the character Mgr. Albertus Soegijapranata who is in binary opposition to Indonesian historiography.


2019 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
pp. 1
Author(s):  
Erman ' ◽  
Muchid Albintani

Riau Vision 2020, regional regulations on Lembaga Adat Melayu[LAM] Riau, the issue of sons and non-sons of the region in regional head elections are the main characteristic of the ongoing revival of the Political Identity of the era of regional autonomy in Riau. The Rise of Identity Politics in Riau is considered to be at odds with the nation-state whose essence is recognizing diversity. The politics of identity in this context is considered to jeopardize the development of the diversity-based nation-state [nationalism]. This research aims, firstly, to address the PoliticalIdentity relationship with the nation-state in Riau in an effort to prevent local disintegration.Second, explaining the main obstacles to the Political Identity relationship with the nation-state in Riau in an effort to prevent local disintegration. The Political Approach to Identity and Nation-State is used as a theoretical framework. This study uses a qualitative approach with descriptive analysis method. Data is collected based on documents supported by interviews. After collecting the data analyzed qualitatively. The results of the study concluded, first, that the existence of theRiau 2020 vision, and the Riau Malay Customary Institution as a forum for empowerment of ‘Malays’ in the context of the Politics of Identity and State-nation, kept the potential for ethnicideological conflict.The concept of ‘Melayu’ in the vision impresses the sultry between Malay [ethnic] and Islam [ideology]. The vision is the consequence of local-minority hegemony. ‘Melayu’,structurally and constitutionally suggests that Melayu Malays ’control, even though there are minorities if they are accumulated with other ethnic groups. Second, the various obstacles that occur in the relationship between the Politics of Identity and State-nation are, [1] Malays are interpreted as hegemony in terms of relative deprivation. [2] Structural and cultural constraints have an effect on the relationship between the nation-state and the Politics of Identity [the existence of Riau LAM suggests more superiority and cultural domination. [3] Shifting issues in Political Idenitas, does not work linearly due to institutional-based personal interests. Practically this research provides an important reference for the relationship between LAM Riau and local governments that can prevent local disintegration. Academically, the relationship between the nation-state and the Politics of Identity can be constructed into a model and approach that can anticipate potential identity conflicts, especially in Riau.


2002 ◽  
Vol 37 (3) ◽  
pp. 295-300 ◽  
Author(s):  
Richard Bellamy

Commissioning A Series On ‘Identity Politics’ Inevitably involves making contentious, if hopefully defensible, editorial choices about what each of these terms involves. Issues relating to ‘identity’ and ‘difference’ have figured ever more prominently on both the political and academic agendas over the past thirty years. These terms are often employed to describe a wide range of somewhat heterogeneous phenomena. For example, a recent UK Economic and Social Research Council Programme on ‘Identity and Choice’ lists under this rubric everything from ethnicity, nationality, gender and religion, to class, disability, shopping and musical preferences. However, such usage risks broadening the concept of identity to the point of vacuity. Therefore, the scope of this series is somewhat narrower: namely, political identity. Of course, the concept of the ‘political’ is itself contested and likewise seemingly infinitely expandable to all issues and areas of life. Consequently, a more restricted meaning applies here too, with politics limited to the making of collectively binding decisions amongst people holding divergent opinions and interests.


2020 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 139-155
Author(s):  
Sri Zul Chairiyah

This research aimed to describe the identity politics and citizenship of Minangkabau women, towards the political participation (representation) of Minangkabau women in the post-2019 election. Minangkabau women have 2 identities, in adat (matrilineal system) women have rights that are equal to men in decision making, while in religion (patrilineal system), women are not one of the main elements in decision making. In citizenship, community still applies a patriarchal culture that is rooted and dominates. These two identities have a major influence on the political representation of Minangkabau women, where identity politics and citizenship are attempts to understand the relationship of these two concepts to the involvement of Minangkabau women in political representation in each election. The research used aqualitative method with individual analysis. This research was conducted in West Sumatra Province. These two factors influence the political representation of Minangkabau women in West Sumatra. The temporary conclusion showed that the low political representation of Minangkabau women in legislative institutions is not because of identity politics but because of patriarchal culture is still rooted and dominates in the community especially in West Sumatra.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document