Bushi philosophy

Author(s):  
Paul Varley

Bushi is one of several terms for the warrior of premodern Japan; samurai is another. The ‘way of the warrior’ – that is, the beliefs, attitudes and patterns of behaviour of the premodern Japanese warrior – is commonly called bushidō (literally, the ‘way of the bushi’). However, bushidō is actually a phrase of rather late derivation, and in premodern times was never exclusively used to describe the warrior way. Two of the earliest and most enduring phrases for the way of the warriors who rose in the provinces of Japan in the late ninth and tenth centuries were the ‘way of the bow and arrow’ and the ‘way of the bow and horse’. These phrases, however, referred to little more than prowess in the military arts, the most important of which, as the second phrase clearly specifies, were horse riding and archery. For many centuries no one in Japan undertook to define systematically what the way of the warrior in a larger sense was or should be. Warrior beliefs, ideals and aspirations – including loyalty, courage, the yearning for battlefield fame, fear of shame and an acute sense of honour and ‘face’ – were widely recognized, but neither warriors nor others apparently felt the need to codify them in writing. Not until the establishment of the Tokugawa military government (shogunate) in 1600, which brought two and a half centuries of nearly uninterrupted peace to Japan, did philosophers begin to study and write about the warrior way (bushidō). Concerned about the meaning and proper role of a ruling warrior class during an age of peace, philosophers posited that warriors should not only maintain military preparedness to deal with fighting that might occur, but should also develop themselves, through education based primarily on Confucianism, to serve as models and moral exemplars for all classes of Japanese society.

Revista Labor ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 1 (18) ◽  
pp. 1
Author(s):  
Eneas de Araújo Arrais Neto

Este artigo tem como objetivo analisar os edifícios sedes dos órgãos públicos federais construídos na cidade de Fortaleza durante os anos de vigência do “Regime Militar”. Parte da compreensão de que a arquitetura, enquanto objeto de fruição coletiva, assume o papel de meio de comunicação de massa no espaço urbano e, como tal, foi um dos instrumentos de divulgação ideológica dos governos militares dirigidos aos setores sociais urbanos; veiculando principalmente idéias de modernização, desenvolvimento, racionalidade, onipotência do poder estatal e autoritarismo. Analisa igualmente as influências, neste processo, da cultura de classe do setor burocrático-estatal, e propõe que estas edificações, ao estabelecerem novos padrões estéticos e de utilização de materiais e equipamentos de procedência tecnológica estrangeira, se constituíram em elementos importantes do processo de abertura da economia nacional ao capital multinacional, em particular no que diz respeito ao mercado da construção civil.Abstract This paper presents the arquitectural critique of a specific group of edifications built in the city of Fortaleza during the period of the military governments in Brazil. The character of the architecture developed by the military government in public buildings in this period is common all over the country: the facilities were built to with the intention to occupy the cities as out-doors of the military governments, diffusing images of modernization, rationality, economic development and the power of the state.   Through the use of architectural language, by the means of design, project, materials, forms and other ways, the architecture of the public sector played the role of ideology, besides introducing imported materials and equipment previously unused in the building sector of the country.


Author(s):  
L. C. Green

SummaryThe importance of the role of discipline in the military and the way in which it has been viewed from historical times to the present day are surveyed by the author. The practices of different armies in various conflicts are considered and attempts to codify rules through international conventions and decisions of tribunals are discussed.


2014 ◽  
Vol 14 (3) ◽  
pp. 377-404 ◽  
Author(s):  
Duncan McCargo ◽  
Naruemon Thabchumpon

More than ninety people died in political violence linked to the March–May 2010 “redshirt” protests in Bangkok. The work of the government-appointed Truth for Reconciliation Commission of Thailand (TRCT) illustrates the potential shortcomings of seeing quasi-judicial commissions as a catch-all solution for societies struggling to deal with the truth about their recent pasts. The 2012 TRCT report was widely criticized for blaming too much of the violence on the actions of rogue elements of the demonstrators and failing to focus tightly on the obvious legal transgressions of the security forces. By failing strongly to criticize the role of the military in most of the fatal shootings, the TRCT arguably helped pave the way for the 2014 coup. Truth commissions that are unable to produce convincing explanations of the facts they examine may actually prove counterproductive. Following Quinn and Wilson, we argue in this article that weak truth commissions are prone to politicization and are likely to produce disappointing outcomes, which may even be counterproductive.


2019 ◽  
Vol 7 ◽  
pp. 508-528
Author(s):  
A.J. Cotnoir

What is the proper role of logic in analytic theology? This question is thrown into sharp relief when a basic logical principle is questioned, as in Beall’s ‘Christ – A Contradiction.’ Analytic philosophers of logic have debated between exceptionalism and anti-exceptionalism, with the tide shifting towards anti-exceptionalism in recent years. By contrast, analytic theologians have largely been exceptionalists. The aim of this paper is to argue for an anti-exceptionalist view, specifically treating logic as a modelling tool. Along the way I critically engage with Beall on the role of logic in theology, maintaining that theological inquiry is in some ways disanalogous with other theoretical enterprises.


Author(s):  
Andrew Byers

The book argues that concerns about sexuality were fundamental to how the U.S. Army managed its deployments and military occupations throughout the early decades of the twentieth century. Far from being just a marginal release from the stresses of military service and combat, sexuality stood at the center of the military experience. The book uses the concept of a “sexual economy of war” to highlight the interconnectedness of everything from homosexuality, competing conceptions of masculinity, and the proper role of military families, to issues like rape and sexual violence, as well as attempts by the army to combat venereal disease via the regulation of prostitution. The book reveals that the contentious debates of the past two decades surrounding sexuality and the U.S. military are, in many ways, echoes of similar issues from the early twentieth century.


2010 ◽  
Vol 17 (2) ◽  
pp. 174-198
Author(s):  
Jinwung Kim

AbstractThis study analyzes the role of the “military government police” in South Korean politics during American military occupation, 1946-48. It stresses that the Korean National Police (KNP), many of whose members had served in the police under the Japanese, was not a mere instrument of the United States Army Military Government in Korea (USAMGIK) but functioned as an active participant in the creation of a rightist regime in southern Korea. More specifically, the police were the undisputed “vanguard” of the rightist Syngman Rhee-Korean Democratic Party (KDP) coalition. The police force also functioned as the “big brother” of the rightist youth organizations which shared values and ideology with them. Finally, the police served as the “midwife” in the creation of the Rhee regime in the Republic of Korea. In sum, the KNP was an important political player actively taking part in the political process during U.S. military occupation.


2012 ◽  
Vol 32 (2) ◽  
pp. 175-191
Author(s):  
Barton C. Hacker

Military revolutions are a normal consequence of the central role of military institutions in complex societies. They have everywhere occurred regularly, if infrequently; they are scarcely limited to Western Europe, or even to the modern world. This essay discusses recent writings on two military revolutions in the ancient world, both centered on the military horse: first, its domestication and its role in pulling war chariots; second, the transition from horse driving to horse riding in battle. The chariot revolution of the second millennium BC profoundly reshaped warfare and transformed polities all across Eurasia. The cavalry revolution of the first millennium BC proved equally transformative and far longer lasting. Despite the controversy that has come to surround the concept of military revolution, it may still be fruitfully applied to important aspects of the large-scale historical interactions between societies and their armed forces.


2010 ◽  
Vol 38 (4) ◽  
pp. 561-567
Author(s):  
Stephen Deets

Despite considerable scholarly work on ethnic mobilization, less attention has been paid to explicitly examining how differing notions of the state undergird our analysis and normative approaches. As the title of Ted Gurr's Peoples versus States reminds us, the state is central to these processes. Similarly, there seems to be widespread, yet little discussed, disagreement on the proper role of politics in ethno-politics. In other words, at what point do we shrug our shoulders and say, “minority X lost this political fight and that's the way democratic politics functions”? The three books here focus on vastly different topics (international minority rights norms, Native American struggles, and the Holy Roman Empire's decline), but in reading them together it is striking how their notions of the state and politics lead us to varying conclusions about the possibilities for minorities.


Asian Studies ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 87-109
Author(s):  
Maria Paola CULEDDU

The term bushidō is widespread today and involves history, philosophy, literature, ­sociology and religion. It is commonly believed to be rooted in the ancient “way” of the bushi or samurai, the Japanese warriors who led the country until modern times. However, even in the past the bushi were seldom represented accurately. Mostly, they were depicted as the authors thought they should be, to fulfil a certain role in society and on the political scene.By taking into account some ancient and pre-modern writings, from the 8th to the 19th centuries, from the ancient chronicles of Japan, war tales, official laws, letters, to martial arts manuals and philosophical essays, and by highlighting some of the bushidō values, this article attempts to answer the questions how and why the representation of the bushi changed from the rise of the warrior class to the end of the military government in the 19th century.


Author(s):  
Necati Polat

This chapter is on a set of dubious government practices following the regime change, as reflected in the OSCE reports on Turkey elections, in securing success at the ballot box, including the way in which the ruling AKP allegedly financed politics. The discussion details the unfair poll environment, which left the opposition practically crippled, and the state of the basic rights crucial for the ballot box to make full sense. The chapter also provides an account of the corruption claims from December 2013—chiefly bid-rigging and money laundering that allegedly involved Erdogan and his family, beside cabinet members—filed originally by Gulenist prosecutors relying mostly on wiretapped conversations, to be posted anonymously online from early 2014. The chapter ends with a section on the role of the military in the aftermath of the old regime, with an assessment of its possibly resilient reflexes, prior to the abortive coup of 2016.


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