Electoral Politics on Social Media

Author(s):  
Sharon Haleva-Amir ◽  
Karine Nahon
Author(s):  
Mary Francoli

On May 2, 2011, Canadians voted in what the news media dubbed “Canada's First Social Media Election.” This allowed Canadians to join their neighbours to the south who, arguably, had gone through one national social media election during the 2008 bid for the presidency. Through a theoretical discussion of what constitutes sociality and networked sociality, and a critical examination of social media as a campaign tool, this chapter asks “What makes a campaign social?” It also asks if the term “social media campaign” adequately describes current campaign practices? In exploring these questions, the chapter draws on the 2011 federal election in Canada and the 2008 American election. Ultimately, the chapter argues we have limited evidence that social media has led to increased sociality when it comes to electoral politics. This calls the appropriateness of the term “social media campaign” into question. Such lack of evidence stems from the dynamism of networked sociality, which renders it difficult to understand, and methodological difficulties when it comes to capturing what it means to be “social.”


Theoria ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 65 (156) ◽  
pp. 1-26
Author(s):  
Christine Hobden

Citizens increasingly engage with political issues in new ways by addressing politicians via social media, campaigning at international forums, or boycotting corporate entities. These forms of engagement move beyond more regulated electoral politics and are rightly celebrated for the ways they increase representation and provide new channels of accountability. Yet, despite these virtues, political engagement beyond voting inevitably tends to entrench and amplify inequality in citizen influence on political decision-making. The tendency toward inequality undermines relational equality between citizens and muddies the channels of political accountability and responsibility. This article unpacks the ostensible tension and argues that it reveals to us another strength in views which hold the state to be citizens’ collective project and provides argumentative resources to motivate democracies to give due attention to ensuring that democratic participatory channels remain fit for purpose in an ever-changing society.


2018 ◽  
Vol 4 (3) ◽  
pp. 205630511880031 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tommy Shane

How do you produce an authentic self on social media? This question is increasingly critical for the modern politician. Many voters prize authenticity as more important than policies, and social media is playing an ever-greater role in electoral politics. Further critical attention is required to understand how politicians are using social media to present an authentic self as a strategy to win votes. Whereas previous research has focused on how the content of politicians’ messages affects their authenticity, this article explores how authenticity is produced through formal aspects of self-presentational cues. To do so, the article analyzes the authenticity cues in Donald Trump’s tweets during the 2016 United States election. In what was widely dubbed as “the authenticity election,” Trump was able to present an authentic self on Twitter using little more than 140 alphanumeric characters. What cues were at play, and why did they work? By analyzing how news media narrated Trump’s authenticity, and applying a semiotic analysis based on the theory of Charles Sanders Peirce, this article uncovers the key authenticity cues in Trump’s tweets, and examines the semiotic mechanisms behind them. I show that Trump’s authenticity depended upon the deployment of indexes, signs that bear a causal link to the object they refer to. Trump’s indexes of the self—the typographic texture, the tweets’ timestamps, and the operating system tags—combined to produce an authentic form for Trump’s tweets to inhabit. I then close with observations of indexical authenticity being leveraged by other politicians.


2019 ◽  
Vol 23 (1) ◽  
pp. 35-53
Author(s):  
Ellen Watts

Russell Brand’s interventions in the political field have taken multiple forms since he famously told Jeremy Paxman in October 2013 that he had never voted. The following year Brand joined the campaign to save the New Era estate in East London, seeking to ‘amplify’ the voices of residents by attracting positive mainstream media coverage and promoting their cause to his large social media audience. This audience, supposedly outside the ‘empty stadium’ of the mainstream campaign, was Labour leader Ed Miliband’s justification for being interviewed and endorsed by Brand during the 2015 election campaign. While the attention Brand received in both cases demonstrates his celebrity capital in the United Kingdom, he also faced contestation. Brand’s wealth complicated his claims to represent housing campaigners, while during the election his background as a working-class comedian conflicted with formal political norms. Using Saward’s theory of representative claims, this article explores how Brand made claims to represent citizens in each context and how these were evaluated. Brand’s negotiation of his status and the response he received in different political contexts is analysed drawing on fieldwork, Brand’s social media and YouTube content, and media coverage of his interventions. I argue that while Brand’s celebrity capital allowed him to work across the fields of entertainment and politics with ease, his status in the political field is dependent on successfully making claims to represent citizens.


2019 ◽  
Vol 9 (3) ◽  
pp. 311
Author(s):  
Tanius Sebastian

<p>This article investigates the phenomena of electoral politics and culture of social media in the context of Indonesian law and society through a case study of Jakarta Gubernatorial Election in 2017. The main argument of this article is that the connection between electoral politics and culture of social media shows a fallacious logical thinking in the form of bias and ad populum reasoning. Those two forms of fallacy refer to sectarian politics and ideological polarization. In analyzing the fallacious thinking in some events of the 2017 Jakarta Gubernatorial Election, this article also shows how emotion, anxiety, and hate operate within the reasoning of the relation of the Indonesian state and society. This article primarily aims at identifying the argumentative situation in the case of the 2017 Jakarta Gubernatorial Election, which contains the fallacious thinking. In the end, the ultimate aim is to evaluate an implication that stems from that identification for an adequate conception of legal reasoning in the Indonesian context.</p>


Author(s):  
Md. Shahabul Haque ◽  
Sharmin Akther Liza

It is assumed that excessive usage of social media among young generations, i.e., students of universities make them more socially integrated and politically informed. Political parties use media as well as social media to portrait candidates and their various issues which attract mass people. Though there are some studies around, which validates these influence of social media on participation of young generation in electoral politics is done previously for some countries of world but yet, for the country Bangladesh, there is no such study still existing which reveals these issues with explanatory-descriptive analysis, particularly done for any specialized public university, where internet is more viable than to other kinds of universities, because of the additional attention is given to information and communications technology there. Mixed method has been applied to make the study more reliable. The study here perhaps is done with a format of structured questionnaire and Focus Group Discussion; simple random sampling and cluster sampling to fulfill the subsisting gap thus have found the most common kinds of websites used by respondents, average duration of them in daily basis, whether on other hand, have assessed that effectiveness of social media to inspire young generation in political participation.


Author(s):  
Atul Pawar ◽  
Sairaj Lohar ◽  
Manoj Patil ◽  
Rushikesh Kulkarni ◽  
Vasim Inamdar

Social Media has an impact on different aspects of our life. It has revolutionized the way people communicate and socialize on the web. It is an undeniable force in modern society. It has the power to force necessary changes. Social networking platforms such as Facebook, Twitter, Instagram allows users to interact with the world, to express their view on different topics in society. Social media influence in political campaigns has increased tremendously, it plays an important role in electoral politics, political polling, so it is necessary to perform sentiment analysis on political topics to get the public opinion. This technical paper focuses mainly on analysis of political tweets using sentiment analysis. In this paper, we performed sentiment analysis on different political topics in India and analysed the overall sentiments regarding those topics, using naive bayes machine learning algorithm and classified those tweets as positive and negative.


2020 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 46-52
Author(s):  
Evan Oddleifson

New implementations of data analytical processes in democratic politics deeply affect voter-representative relationships and constitute a substantive challenge to voter agency. This paper examines the effects of social media driven data analytics on voter microtargeting and electoral politics using Cambridge Analytica’s (CA) involvement in the 2016 US Presidential election and the 2010 Trinidad and Tobago General election. It finds that data-driven voter targeting strategies developed by Cambridge Analytica from 2014-2015 are substantially more effective than previously employed strategies. Moreover, these strategies undermine rational choice and consequently impede a country's ability to conduct democratic politics.


2015 ◽  
pp. 106-117 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mary Francoli

On May 2, 2011, Canadians voted in what the news media dubbed “Canada's First Social Media Election.” This allowed Canadians to join their neighbours to the south who, arguably, had gone through one national social media election during the 2008 bid for the presidency. Through a theoretical discussion of what constitutes sociality and networked sociality, and a critical examination of social media as a campaign tool, this chapter asks “What makes a campaign social?” It also asks if the term “social media campaign” adequately describes current campaign practices? In exploring these questions, the chapter draws on the 2011 federal election in Canada and the 2008 American election. Ultimately, the chapter argues we have limited evidence that social media has led to increased sociality when it comes to electoral politics. This calls the appropriateness of the term “social media campaign” into question. Such lack of evidence stems from the dynamism of networked sociality, which renders it difficult to understand, and methodological difficulties when it comes to capturing what it means to be “social.”


2018 ◽  
pp. 1433-1444
Author(s):  
Mary Francoli

On May 2, 2011, Canadians voted in what the news media dubbed “Canada's First Social Media Election.” This allowed Canadians to join their neighbours to the south who, arguably, had gone through one national social media election during the 2008 bid for the presidency. Through a theoretical discussion of what constitutes sociality and networked sociality, and a critical examination of social media as a campaign tool, this chapter asks “What makes a campaign social?” It also asks if the term “social media campaign” adequately describes current campaign practices? In exploring these questions, the chapter draws on the 2011 federal election in Canada and the 2008 American election. Ultimately, the chapter argues we have limited evidence that social media has led to increased sociality when it comes to electoral politics. This calls the appropriateness of the term “social media campaign” into question. Such lack of evidence stems from the dynamism of networked sociality, which renders it difficult to understand, and methodological difficulties when it comes to capturing what it means to be “social.”


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