scholarly journals On Peculiarities of the Foreign Policy of Personalist Regimes (Example of Turkmenistan)

2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 153-169
Author(s):  
S. Horák

The foreign policy of states is often viewed through the prism of the geopolitical, geostrategic or geoeconomic determinants. It is forgotten that in addition to these factors, foreign policy also has a strong human, or personal, factor. This factor is especially evident in authoritarian regimes of the personalist type, in which decisions, including on foreign policy issues, are made by the leader or a narrow stratum of the elite alone. In this case, the personal factor and personal interests of the leader are not limited to other regulators (institutions, elections, etc.). A foreign policy centered on the interests of the first person in this case may differ significantly from what one would assume when analyzing state policy and the national interests of the country. Since power in Turkmenistan is in the nature of a personalist regime, the article attempts to explore, within the framework of the available (very limited) information, the foreign policy of this country from the perspective of the personal interests of the head of state and the Turkmen elite rather than those of the state. In addition to the theoretical framework of the study and a brief personal profile of both presidents, the article also provides examples relating to the two main factors of interest to the leader of the nation and his elite - economic profit and regime security. Comparing the regimes of the first and second president in foreign policy also demonstrates the continuity of the political culture and system in the country. The study shows that the Turkmen regime combines all features of the theoretical conceptions of personalist foreign policy if we look at them as an interrelated complex. The personal characteristic of the president, his almost unshakable position in decision-making, as well as the interests of his entourage, including his family, play a key role in it. On the other hand, the singularity of decision-making makes it easier for those foreign players who have the necessary information about the country’s leader and know how to lead him to the decision they want without regard to other interest groups or institutions in the country.

2019 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 158-201
Author(s):  
Mila Fitri Yeni

This research aims to analyze Germany’s Motivation to accept Syrian refugee in 2015 at German policy of Open Door Policy. A foreign policy that was chosen by the state is rational choice by calculating the benefit earned and cost paid through the policy based on national interests. This research was analysed using the concept Rational Model of Decision Making by Karen A.Mingst this concept sees the formulation of a state’s foreign policy based on the considerations of the costs and benefits a state gets on the issue at hand, in which the state will choose a policy with greater profits than its sacrifices. The researcher concluded that Germany’s open door policy toward Syrian refugees was a rational choice because it has that advantage in the form of adding labor that has an effect on the economic aspect for Germany


Author(s):  
Andrei Alexandrovich Ivanov

Today’s multipolar world, one can observe how different countries with different degree of agency on the international arena, seek to be actively involved in the development of recommendations for settling the existing crises, and pursue their foreign policy based on the own resources and national interests. This naturally results in complication of the system of international relations and makes it extremely difficult for its leading actors to make adequate decisions. The fact that the modern “world powers” have fundamentally different socioeconomic and political structure, aggravates the situation even more. Different values, principles of economic management, attitudes towards the role of the key social institutions and elements of the political system impede constructive communication between the states. Despite the efforts of many politicians, Europe is yet to reach cultural and political unity. The EU member-states have strong differences with regards to domestic and foreign policy; and some states continue to seek solutions to the existing crises, guided by their own principles of effective management. This defines the relevance of outlining the prospects for the convergence of national systems of political decision-making, since the discrepancy in this sphere increases distrust among the countries, parties and government leaders, as well as creates the background for various abusive activities.


Jurnal ICMES ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 108-130
Author(s):  
Deasy Silvya Sari

The article explains the change and continuity of Indonesian Foreign Policy toward Egypt post Husni Mubarak Administration. This issue is explored because after the administration of Husni Mubarak, Egypt experienced domestic political instability in the form of a government regime change in a short time, namely the election of Mursi as president through elections in 2011, the overthrow of Mursi, and the election of Al Sisi as new president in 2013 through elections. This article concludes that on facing some changes in Egypt post-Husni Mubarak, Indonesia did ‘the change and continuity’ in her foreign policy. The ‘change’ was done because of administration of Presiden Yudhoyono wanted to ensure the implementation of Indonesia's national interests, namely, the security of Indonesian citizens in Egypt, education programs, and the sustainability of Indonesia-Egypt trade relations. This change was motivated by bureaucratic advocacy and restructuring domestic agent on decision making of Indonesian government. The ‘continuity’ takes place in terms of Indonesia’s doctrine of foreign policy, namely ‘free and active policy’. 'Free policy’ was carried out impartially in the Egyptian conflict and ‘active policy’ was implemented by maintaining security, education, and trade cooperation with Egypt.


2011 ◽  
Vol 54 (2) ◽  
pp. 145-176 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rodrigo Tavares

Abstract:Over the last decade, African regional organizations have gained considerable scope in peacekeeping and peace enforcement. Two subregional organizations in particular, ECOWAS and SADC, have gathered significant experience in military interventions in Liberia, Sierra Leone, Guinea Bissau, Ivory Coast, Lesotho, and the Democratic Republic of Congo. This article assesses the decision-making processes of both organizations ahead of the interventions and concludes that African states participate in military interventions for reasons of national and personal interests rather than humanitarian reasons or out of a primary interest in preserving regional stability. The article draws from extensive fieldwork in four African countries.


Author(s):  
José Alberto Antunes de Miranda

Resumo:O presente artigo tem como objetivo identificar o populismo, a democracia e a constituição na Venezuela. A Venezuela, por ser um país que tradicionalmente estruturava sua ação na construção da democracia representativa, na defesa da liberdade e na consolidação da integração hemisférica,passou a desenvolver, com a chegada ao poder de Hugo Chavez Frias, um marcante perfil ideológico. Dos anos cinquenta até os oitenta, ainda que tenha predominado um sistema centrista dominado por partidos e dirigentes políticos de centro, os militares exerciam uma participação indireta nas questões de Estado. No final dos anos 90, se observa que o sistema político assumiu características complexas, com a presença do Estado cada vez mais refletida na centralização do Executivo, o excessivo personalismo político do Chefe de Estado e o envolvimento de militares no sistema político, refletindo nas instituições venezuelanas.Palavras-chave: Política externa; Venezuela.; Atores; Processo decisório. Abstract:This article aims to identify populism and the fragility of democratic institutions in Venezuela. Venezuela, as a country that traditionally structured its action in the construction of a representative democracy, in defense of freedom and the consolidation of integration in the hemisphere, began to develop, with the coming to power of Hugo Chavez Frias, a remarkable ideological profile. From the fifties to the eighties, although the country was dominated by a centrist system with political parties and leaders of the center, the military exerted an indirect interest in matters of state. In the late 90s we observe that the political system became a complex traits, with the presence of the State increasingly reflected in the centralization of the Executive, excessive political personalism of the Head of State and the involvement of the military in the political system, reflecting in the Venezuelan institutions.Keywords: Foreign policy; Venezuela; Actors; Decision making.


1976 ◽  
Vol 2 (3) ◽  
pp. 246-266 ◽  
Author(s):  
Donald E. Nuechterlein

The term “national interest” has been used by statesmen and scholars since the founding of nation-states to describe the aspirations and goals of sovereign entities in the international arena. Today foreign ministers, military strategists and academicians discuss the vital interests of their countries in ways suggesting that everyone understands precisely what they mean and will draw correct inferences from their use of the term. Nothing could be further from reality. In truth, the study of international politics as well as the art of diplomacy suffer from widespread ambiguity about the meaning of national interest, with the result that some scholars have proposed that the concept be abandoned and replaced by some other phrase. To my mind, this would be an abdication of the scholar's responsibility because, whether we like it or not, the term national interest is so deeply ingrained in the literature of international relations and diplomatic language that it is unlikely to be dismissed from our vocabulary simply because some scholars find it useless. Were we to attempt to substitute some new phrase, we would likely find even less consensus and could become engaged in yet another round of jargon-creation. A better alternative, I suggest, is to strive for a more precise definition of national interest and then provide a conceptual framework in which serious discussion of foreign policy and international politics can become more fruitful. That is the purpose of this paper.


2020 ◽  
Vol 13 (5) ◽  
pp. 266-292
Author(s):  
A. A. Varfolomeev ◽  
O. P. Ivanov ◽  
I. V. Surma ◽  
Yu. A. Trefilova

Abstract: The article considers the system of foreign policy expertise as an independent subject of research. The authors note the positive aspects of competitive analysis of the external nvironment, which allows one to level out the asymmetry of political and economic cultures within a given country, as well as to smooth out the personal interests. This ensures a variability of approaches in foreign policy decision-making, which ultimately contributes to the promotion of balanced national interests. The North American approach differs in preferences, methodological trends, forms of theoretical ethnocentrism and various forms of social construction. The European scholars and experts in foreign policy analysis use the theory of international relations much more extensively than their North American counterparts.Based on the analysis, we propose to use a comprehensive integrated method, developed in the Russian Diplomatic Academy, using an interdisciplinary approach based on elements of political psychology, sociology of management, international law, structural, functional and institutional approaches, etc. We also propose to use virtual cognitive centers and methodologies, which not only contain a specific sequence of stages of predicting the development of the international situation, but also provide an opportunity to choose methods of Foresight, taking into account the existing time, human resources and financial constraints, and the possibility of their adaptation to the applied tasks of analytical and prognostic activities of federal authorities in the field of foreign policy.


2020 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Junior Perdana Sande

This article aims to analyze the selective policy adopted by Indonesian immigration towards foreigners from calling visa countries. Through a qualitative research method with a descriptive analysis approach and the framework of concept of foreign policy decision making and national interests, it can be explained how the implementation of Indonesian immigration selective policy and the determination of vulnerable countries so they can be categorized in to calling visa countries. The author also seeks to provide an analysis of the anomalies in determining countries that are categorized as calling visa countries. The application of selective policy applied by the Indonesian government through the issuance of visiting permits, supervision, and immigration administrative actions against any foreigner. It is implemented more stringently and through a multi-layered process towards foreigners from calling visa countries.


2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nikolas K. Gvosdev ◽  
Jessica D. Blankshain ◽  
David A. Cooper

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