scholarly journals THE CAUCASUS IN RUSSIAN-IRANIAN POLITICAL AND DIPLOMATIC RELATIONS AT THE END OF THE XVI CENTURY

2021 ◽  
pp. 5-12
Author(s):  
А.В. БЯЗРОВ ◽  
Б.Г. КОЙБАЕВ
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Cultural Values ◽  
Political Influence ◽  
Diplomatic Relations ◽  
National Interests ◽  
The Caucasus ◽  
Policy Orientation ◽  
Russian State ◽  
Wide Range ◽  
The Impact

В статье исследуется «кавказский вопрос» в российско-иранских политико-дипломатических отношениях в конце XVI в. В 1580–1590-х гг., в условиях усилившейся османской экспансии, между Сефевидским Ираном и Русским государством были налажены политико-дипломатические отношения. В указанный период отмечалась активизация внешней политики Ирана и Русского государства на Кавказе, которая была обусловлена его геостратегическим значением. Однако дальнейшему развитию двустороннего сотрудничества воспрепятствовала проблема разграничения сфер политического влияния в кавказском регионе. Важным условием достижения политического господства Казвина и Москвы на Кавказе являлась внешнеполитическая ориентация кавказских народов, которая была предопределена целым рядом факторов: географической близостью, общностью национальных интересов и традиционных культурных ценностей и стремлением к сохранению независимости путем политического лавирования между интересами трех держав. Кавказские народы, с одной стороны, принимали активное участие в организации освободительной борьбы против внешних завоевателей, с другой – стремились заручиться поддержкой могущественных соседних государств, выражая готовность к сохранению внешнеполитической ориентации, соответствовавшей их национальным интересам. На основе широкого круга архивных документов и мемуарной литературы комплексно исследуются политика Ирана и России на Кавказе, российско-иранские политико-дипломатические отношения, определены роль и место кавказского региона во взаимоотношениях двух стран в конце XVI в., а также показано воздействие турецкого фактора на трансформацию российско-иранских двусторонних отношений. Методологическую основу исследования составили методы исторического познания, основанные на принципах историзма, научной объективности и системного анализа. Caucasus, Iran, Russian state, Ottoman Empire, political and diplomatic relations, foreign policy. The article examines the "Caucasian question" in the Russian-Iranian political and diplomatic relations at the end of the XVI century. In the 1580s – 1590s, under the conditions of intensified Ottoman expansion, political and diplomatic relations were established between Safavid Iran and the Russian state. During this period, the intensification of the foreign policy of Iran and the Russian state in the Caucasus was noted, which was due to its geostrategic significance. However, the further development of bilateral cooperation was hampered by the problem of delimiting the spheres of political influence in the Caucasian region. An important condition for the achievement of the political domination of Kazvin and Moscow in the Caucasus was the foreign policy orientation of the Caucasian peoples, which was predetermined by a number of factors: geographical proximity, common national interests and traditional cultural values, and the desire to maintain independence through political maneuvering between the interests of the three powers. The Caucasian peoples, on the one hand, took an active part in organizing the liberation struggle against external conquerors, on the other hand, they sought to enlist the support of powerful neighboring states, expressing their readiness to maintain a foreign policy orientation that corresponded to their national interests. Based on a wide range of archival documents and memoirs, the policy of Iran and Russia in the Caucasus, Russian-Iranian political and diplomatic relations are comprehensively studied, the role and place of the Caucasian region in relations between the two countries at the end of the 16th century is determined, and the impact of the Turkish factor on transformation of Russian-Iranian bilateral relations is shown. The methodological basis of the research was formed by the methods of historical cognition based on the principles of historicism, scientific objectivity and systems analysis.

The «Сaucasian Guestion» in Iran’s Foreign Policy at the Beginning of the XVII Century

2021 ◽  
pp. 20-26
Author(s):  
Aslan V. Byazrov ◽  
Boris G. Koybaev
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Objective Assessment ◽  
Political Influence ◽  
Historical Sources ◽  
The Caucasus ◽  
Regional Powers ◽  
Political Processes ◽  
Xvii Century ◽  
Wide Range ◽  
The Face

The article examines the Caucasian vector of Iran’s foreign policy at the beginning of the XVII century. as one of the most priority directions of the Shah’s foreign policy, Iranian-Russian diplomatic cooperation and interaction, as well as as the most important factor in ensuring the security of the Safavid state in the face of the threat of Ottoman expansion. During the XVI-XVII centuries, certain territories of the Caucasus were in the sphere of political influence of Safavid Iran, which managed to systematically establish control over Eastern Georgia, Eastern Armenia, Azerbaijan and part of Dagestan. A comprehensive study of the Caucasian policy of Safavid Iran during its military and political domination in the region allows us to identify historical patterns and trends of modern socio-political processes in the Caucasus and the Middle East. The study of the problem of delineating the spheres of political influence of regional powers in the context of the foreign policy strategy of Safavid Iran at the beginning of the XVII century. It requires a scientifically based analysis and objective assessment, since Iran traditionally demonstrates its activity in the region, develops cooperation with regional actors in the political, diplomatic, trade, economic and cultural spheres. The purpose of the study is to study the Caucasian policy of Safavid Iran, as well as methods and means of its implementation at the beginning of the XVII century. The scientific novelty of this research is determined by the introduction into scientific circulation of a wide range of diverse historical sources and literature necessary for rethinking and generalizing the content of existing theoretical, methodological and scientific approaches, comparative analysis of domestic and foreign concepts on this issue, as well as a systematic study of geostrategy and the Caucasian vector of Iran’s foreign policy in the period under review.

scholarly journals Peculiarities of Ukrainian-British Diplomatic Relations During the Ukrainian Revolution (1917-1921)

2017 ◽  
pp. 155-169
Author(s):  
I. Datskiv
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Great Britain ◽  
The Political ◽  
Diplomatic Relations ◽  
National Liberation ◽  
Policy Orientation ◽  
Military Background ◽  
National Liberation Movement ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Impact

This article analyzes the foreign policy of Great Britain to Ukraine in 1917-1921 years. Features of relations between England and the Ukrainian governments during national liberation movement are shown. The impact of Great Britain on the political formation and the development of Ukrainian statehood is revealed International, political and military background of the Ukrainian-British rapprochement in revolutionary days is clarified . It is indicated that an important factor shifted foreign policy orientation towards the Entente was the participation of the Ukrainian delegation under the leadership of I. Korostovetzin in the conference of Entente states in Iasi in early November 1918. It is established that interest in Ukraine and its struggle for statehood was shown by foreign diplomats accredited to the government of UРR. Consular offices of the Entente (including Great Britain) and neutral states continued their activities in Ukraine. It is shown that Great Britain and other Entente powers ignored the legitimate right of the Ukrainian people for national independence and the unity of its lands.

scholarly journals SHEDDING TO GROW: THE COMING DOI MOI 2.0 IN VIETNAM’S FOREIGN POLICY

2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Ha Anh Tuan ◽  
Le Hai Binh ◽  
Tran Thi Huong
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Policy Analysis ◽  
Analytical Framework ◽  
Primary Data ◽  
Foreign Policy Analysis ◽  
International Affairs ◽  
National Interests ◽  
Doi Moi ◽  
Wide Range ◽  
The Cold War

Purpose of the study: The purpose of this study is to revisit the characteristics of Vietnam’s foreign policy since its renovation in 1986, also known as Doi Moi, and explore its future trajectory in the coming decades. Methodology: This study employs a well-established analytical framework relying on the two-level game theory in foreign policy analysis which denotes that a state’s foreign policy is shaped by both external and domestic factors. Primary data are collected from a wide range of trusted resources and databases and communications of the authors with Vietnamese veteran diplomats and foreign policymakers. Main finding: This article finds that three decades since the launching of Doi Moi in 1986, fundamental principles of Vietnam’s foreign policy remains intact. Because both domestic and external foundations for the initial stage of renovation have fundamentally been replaced by new contexts, Hanoi will likely move towards the so-called Doi Moi 2.0 characterized by greater proactiveness and determination. Applications of this study: This study has implication for policymakers, scholars and experts in the disciplines and subfields of politics, international relations, foreign policy analysis given that Vietnam has been well known for its significant achievements in its diplomatic relations after the Cold War and it is playing a growing role in regional and international affairs. The originality of this study: This study makes an original contribution to the existing literature of Vietnam’s foreign policy because it digs into an issue where only a few numbers of scholars have touched upon and provides a comprehensive analysis of the factors influencing Hanoi’s mindset, shaping Vietnam’s national interests and formulating Vietnam’s foreign policy in the coming decades.

The EU Soft Power in the Global Equilibrium

2014 ◽  
pp. 36-46
Author(s):  
A. Baykov
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
International Relations ◽  
Soft Power ◽  
Political Influence ◽  
The European Union ◽  
National Interests ◽  
Bilateral Relations ◽  
Power Strategies ◽  
The Eu

The paper analyzes the basic parameters of the soft power of the European Union in the context of the effectiveness of its foreign policy and comparison with the efforts of Russia's own resources capacity of non-violent political influence. To solve this purpose the author dissects the basic interpretation soft power, reviews the criteria to measure the effectiveness foreign policy, highlights the existing scholarly discussion regarding the applicability, relevance and accuracy of the concepts of hard and soft power in applied policy analysis. Particular attention is paid to the problem of trust in international relations in general and in the relations between Russia and the EU in particular. The presence of trust in international relations constitutes a prerequisite to solve any problems for foreign policy. Analyzing the practical expression of the basic values of Western European countries and Russia the article concludes that the efficiency of 'soft power' strategies exercised both by Russia and the EU vis-à-vis each other is rather low. The multi-faceted relations between Russia and the European Union with closely interwoven national interests of different countries do not make these relationships easier whereas a whole array of historical and psychological problems do not add trust. Therefore, it is reasonable to opt for formalized dialogue institutions. In conclusion, the author provides recommendations for medium-and long-term prospects of the bilateral relations.

Vietnam in 2014

Asian Survey ◽  
2015 ◽  
Vol 55 (1) ◽  
pp. 165-173 ◽  
Author(s):  
Edmund Malesky ◽  
Jason Morris-Jung
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Deep Water ◽  
Economic Reforms ◽  
Power Struggles ◽  
Popular Opinion ◽  
Policy Orientation ◽  
Oil Rig ◽  
The Impact

The May 2014 entry of a Chinese deep-water oil rig into Vietnamese waters deeply shocked Vietnam. This yearend article chronicles the impact of the controversial action on (1) power struggles among elite politicians, (2) alterations in foreign policy orientation, and (3) popular opinion regarding economic reforms and emerging inequality.

The transformation of Turkish foreign policy: The rise of the trading state

2009 ◽  
Vol 40 ◽  
pp. 29-56 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kemal Kirişçi
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Soft Power ◽  
Post Cold War ◽  
Northern Iraq ◽  
Turkish Foreign Policy ◽  
Regional Conflicts ◽  
Theoretical Perspectives ◽  
Wide Range ◽  
The Impact

AbstractRecently, Turkish foreign policy, compared to the 1990s, has manifested a number of puzzlements. They range from the rapprochement with Greece, the turnabout over Cyprus, mediation efforts involving a series of regional conflicts to a policy seeking an improvement in relations with Armenia and Kurds of Northern Iraq. These puzzlements have increasingly transformed Turkey from being cited as a “post-Cold War warrior” or a “regional coercive power” to a “benign” if not “soft” power. Academic literature has tried to account for these puzzlements and the accompanying transformation in Turkish foreign policy from a wide range of theoretical perspectives. This literature has undoubtedly enriched our understanding of what drives Turkish foreign policy. At the same time, this literature has not paid adequate attention to the role of economic factors shaping Turkish foreign policy as we approach the end of the first decade of the new century. This article aims to highlight this gap and at the same time offer a preliminary conceptual framework based on Richard Rosecrance's notion of the “trading state” and Robert Putnam's idea of “two-level diplomatic games” to explore the impact of economic considerations on Turkish foreign policy.

scholarly journals THE INFLUENCE OF CHINESE-AMERICAN TRADE RELATIONS ON CHINA's FOREIGN POLICY RELATING TO THE USA

2021 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 65-73
Author(s):  
Jiang Junjing
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
World Economy ◽  
Negative Impact ◽  
The United States ◽  
Economic Benefits ◽  
Wide Range ◽  
The World ◽  
China’S Foreign Policy ◽  
The Impact

Based on a wide range of sources, the article analyzes the impact of China's trade and economic relations with the United States. Several periods of interaction between countries after the end of World War II are considered. Special attention is paid to the period of restoration of diplomatic relations since 1979. Based on various sources and historiography, the author analyzes the researchers' points of view on the impact of economic issues on the relations between the two countries. In the course of the research, the author came to the conclusion that an important aspect in the direction of the foreign economic policy of the People’s Republic of China in the first post-war years was the ideological factor. The article presents an analysis of changes in the vector of China's foreign policy in different periods. The main ways of interaction between the United States and China are described, depending on changing foreign policy doctrines. The reforms launched in 1978 provided China with economic growth and a growing prestige on the world stage, which is still present today. The rapprochement between the United States and China after the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991 brought certain economic benefits for the two countries. However, the aggravation of relations between the countries in the new Millennium provides an opportunity for new assessments of the PRC's position on the world stage. Trump’s coming to power in the United States is regarded as an economic war between the two countries. China's increased investment capacity and technological independence make it an attractive partner for other countries, which in turn has a negative impact on trade with America. The most important thing in this situation is the fact that the globalization of the world economy caused by scientific and technological progress, including the rather close interweaving of the US and Chinese economies, contradicts the national interests of both countries, which are trying to strengthen their positions and role in the world economy. Based on the analyzed material, the author comes to the conclusion that recently the foreign policy relations between China and the United States directly depend on the economic interests of the parties.

scholarly journals Georgian Direction of Russian Foreign Policy: Negative Scenario

2012 ◽  
pp. 34-39
Author(s):  
A. A. Suchentsov
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Main Trend ◽  
The South ◽  
South Caucasus ◽  
Russian Foreign Policy ◽  
National Interests ◽  
Policy Orientation ◽  
Low Intensity ◽  
Ruling Elites

Correction of the assessments of Russian national interests in international low intensity conflicts is particularly relevant with regard to Russian policy in the the South Caucasus. Replacement of the ruling elites in Georgia expands the space for dialogue with Tbilisi, but the main trend in the foreign policy orientation of Georgia's - Euro- Atlantic integration - seems to remain unchanged. Due to the fact that "political legacy" of Saakashvili's government continues to influence Georgia's policy it is reasonable to refer to the possible strategy of indirect actions of Russia to win sympathies of the Georgian society and inhibit the "Atlantic" tendency “from below”.

scholarly journals The Ideological Influence of the Communist Party of China on the Communist Party of Vietnam

2021 ◽  
Vol 65 (7) ◽  
pp. 64-70
Author(s):  
M. Terskikh
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Communist Party ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Systems ◽  
National Interests ◽  
Communist Party Of China ◽  
Wide Range ◽  
Ideological Influence ◽  
Similarities And Differences

The article focuses on the peculiarities of Vietnam’s position in the orbit of the ideological and theoretical influence of China. The author examines the most important party documents of both states, reveals their main similarities and differences. The author concludes that Hanoi scrupulously studies, critically assesses, and actively uses the experience of Chinese economic and political reforms. The party and state leadership of Vietnam, when carrying out major transformations of recent decades, was directly guided by the successful experience of their Chinese colleagues. This led to the situation where today’s political systems of Vietnam and China are quite similar, but still are not (and will never be) twin brothers. At the same time, the countries developed a wide network of inter-party contacts which is used not only as an instrument of exchanging views on adapting Marxism-Leninism to current realities, but also as an additional and mutually beneficial channel of communication on a wide range of issues. Despite this, the similarity of the political systems does not necessarily lead to a change in foreign policy. China has an impressive array of tools to influence its southern neighbor, but their ideological closeness is definitely not the most important of them. It is concluded that the role of ideology in Vietnam’s policy, although it remains noticeable, is significantly inferior to the role of national interests and pragmatic views.

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