The Concept of «Power» in International Relations

2021 ◽  
Vol 3 (121) ◽  
pp. 173-184
Author(s):  
B Serdаli ◽  
S Absattar
Keyword(s):  
Soviet Union ◽  
Soft Power ◽  
International Politics ◽  
The United States ◽  
World Politics ◽  
Modern World ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
World Economic ◽  
The One ◽  
Definition Of

The purpose of the article is to develop a definition of the concept of “force” as atool for applied analysis of modern world political problems based on materialistic theoretical andmethodological approaches. At the beginning of the 21st century, the concept of “soft power”became so widespread in international politics that it became more and more relevant ininternational relations, especially in the West, especially in the United States in the newmillennium. After the collapse of the Soviet Union, there were processes in the world that led tochanges in the balance of power and geopolitical integration. The system of bipolar internationalrelations, which existed until the early 90s of the twentieth century, has been abolished and replacedby a new global structure, which has changed the situation in all countries. In this process, China,which has become a world economic leader in the second millennium, has also skillfully used softpower in international politics, promoting its ancient civilization and values.To achieve this goal,the article is supposed to solve two major and mutually dependent research tasks. On the one hand,it will be necessary to critically analyze existing approaches to the conceptualization of the problemof force in terms of their application to the applied analysis of modern international politicalrealities. On the other hand, it will be necessary to identify current trends in changing the contentand nature of power relations between the subjects of world politics.

„Socialist postmodernism”: residential architecture in Kyiv Podil district (Ukraine)

BUILDER ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 293 (12) ◽  
pp. 46-51
Author(s):  
Svitlana Linda
Keyword(s):  
Soviet Union ◽  
Construction Projects ◽  
Architectural Design ◽  
Western Europe ◽  
The United States ◽  
Residential Architecture ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
The One ◽  
Definition Of ◽  
Residential Quarters

Despite the short chronological span of the socialist era architecture heritage, it remains little investigated and underappreciated. Given the political and cultural isolation of the Soviet Union republics and strict architectural design regulations, there was a widespread belief that architects should not use innovative trends. This article exemplifies residential quarters in the historic Podil district, designed and built in the 1970s-1980s in Kyiv. They vividly demonstrate the postmodern ideas embodied in Ukrainian architecture. Methodologically, the article bases on the Ch. Jencks definition of postmodernism and in the comparison of his ideology with the implemented Kyiv project. It states that Kyiv architects proposed not typical Soviet construction projects but international postmodern architectural solutions. It proves that, on the one hand, Ukrainian architects had perfect qualifications to draw construction projects implementing advanced world trends of the time. But on the other hand, it highlights that postmodernism in architecture did not merely confine to Western Europe and the United States but also penetrated the Iron Curtain, exemplifying innovative architectural thinking which ran contrary to the modernist paradigm.

Echoes of a Forgotten Past: Mid-Century Realism and the Legacy of International Law

2012 ◽  
Vol 26 (3) ◽  
pp. 373-386
Author(s):  
Oliver Jütersonke
Keyword(s):  
Soviet Union ◽  
International System ◽  
Balance Of Power ◽  
The United States ◽  
World Politics ◽  
World Government ◽  
World State ◽  
World Community ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
The One

Those studying the work of Hans J. Morgenthau, widely considered the “founding father” of the Realist School of International Relations, have long been baffled by his views on world government and the attainment of a world state—views that, it would appear, are strikingly incompatible with the author's realism. In a 1965 article in World Politics, James P. Speer II decided that it could only be “theoretical confusion” that explained why Morgenthau could on the one hand advocate a world state as ultimately necessary in his highly successful textbook, Politics Among Nations, while writing elsewhere that world government could not resolve the conflict between the Soviet Union and the United States by peaceful means. According to Speer, Morgenthau posits at the international level a super-Hobbesian predicament, in which the actors on the world scene are motivated by the lust for power, yet he proposes a gradualist Lockean solution whereby the international system will move, through a resurrected diplomacy, out of a precarious equilibrium of balance-of-power anarchy by a “revaluation of all values” into the “moral and political” bonds of world community, a process whose capstone will be the formal-legal institutions of world government. This oscillation between Hobbes and Locke, Speer asserted, must be the result of Morgenthau's “commitment to the organismic mystique that comes out of German Romantic Nationalism,” although he admitted in a footnote that his reflections on the intellectual sources of Morgenthau's theories were “mere speculation.”

scholarly journals FUTURE OF US HEGEMONY

2019 ◽  
pp. 4-12
Author(s):  
A Subotin
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Soft Power ◽  
International Politics ◽  
Social Power ◽  
International System ◽  
The United States ◽  
World Politics ◽  
The Us ◽  
The Future ◽  
Us Hegemony

Abstract. The demise of the bipolar system of international politics has revived interest in such closely related and contested terms as "superpower", "hegemon", "empire" and "imperialism". This article represents an attempt to define the most probable trend in the future evolution of the international system with regard to the role of the United States of America as the most prominent state power of today's world. This article seeks to analyse the US power posture in today's world politics by comparing its core capabilities to those of the classical empire of the previous century - the British Empire - with analytical emphasis on both the "hard power" and the "soft power" dimensions. The author maintains that the notion of US hegemony or even American Empire is still relevant despite a clear historic tendency of hegemonic decline seen throughout the second part of the 20th century. The United States still ranks high on the scale of most traditional power factors and, what is by far more important, they continue to be able to shape and control the scale and the volume of international exposure of all other major players within the framework of contemporary global international system. The relative decline of US influence upon world politics at the beginning of the new millennia has been effectively off-set by the profound change in the nature of American power which is now assuming the form of a structural dominance. The author's personal view is that US hegemony is not doomed to wane, given the enormous impact the United States have already made economically, politically and intellectually upon the post World War II international relations. The continuance of the US playing the pivotal role in the international politics of the 21st century will be dependent on the ability of the US political class to adapt to and to harness the social power of numerous non-state international actors that are due take over the leading role in the future world's politics.

Origins of the United Nations

2018 ◽  
pp. 40-58
Author(s):  
Justin Morris
Keyword(s):  
Soviet Union ◽  
United Nations ◽  
San Francisco ◽  
Common Ground ◽  
The United States ◽  
World Politics ◽  
The United Kingdom ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
The United Nations ◽  
World Organization

This chapter analyzes the transformational journey that plans for the United Nations undertook from summer 1941 to the San Francisco Conference of 1945 at which the UN Charter was agreed. Prior to the conference, the ‘Big Three’ great powers of the day—the United States, the Soviet Union, and the United Kingdom—often struggled to establish the common ground on which the UN’s success would depend. However, their debates were only the start of the diplomatic travails which would eventually lead to the establishment of the world organization that we know today. Once gathered at San Francisco, the fifty delegations spent the next two months locked in debate over issues such as the role of international law; the relationship between the General Assembly and Security Council; the permanent members’ veto; and Charter amendment. One of modern history’s most important diplomatic events, its outcome continues to resonate through world politics.

Prokofiev, Soviet Influence, and the Music World in Stalinist Central Europe

2020 ◽  
pp. 405-422
Author(s):  
David G. Tompkins
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
Soviet Union ◽  
Central Europe ◽  
The United States ◽  
Sergei Prokofiev ◽  
The West ◽  
Central European ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
Red Army ◽  
Definition Of

In the aftermath of World War II, the Red Army as a symbol of power was supported in many other arenas so as to counteract the rival influence of the United States on Central Europe. The Soviet Union brought new urgency to these efforts from 1948, with music—and culture more broadly—providing a case for Russia’s attractiveness and superiority with respect to the West. This chapter discusses the nature and scope of Soviet influence in the Central European music world through the examples of East Germany and Poland, and through the prism of the music and persona of Sergei Prokofiev. After his return to the USSR in 1936, Prokofiev, along with Shostakovich, became associated with the very definition of what made music Soviet and thus worthy of emulation. And even more than Shostakovich, Prokofiev and his music functioned as powerful but malleable symbols that could be appropriated by all Soviet actors for their own ends.

Derogation of Human Rights in Emergency Situations

1979 ◽  
Vol 16 ◽  
pp. 92-115 ◽  
Author(s):  
L. C. Green
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
South Africa ◽  
Human Rights ◽  
Soviet Union ◽  
International Politics ◽  
Developing World ◽  
Olympic Games ◽  
The United States ◽  
Emergency Situations ◽  
The Soviet Union

Since Mr. Carter became President of the United States, there bas been a revival in the use of human rights as a weapon in international politics. More and more western countries have stated that they are contemplating measuring the aid they give to members of the developing world in proportion to the extent to which the latter conform to basic humanitarian standards or improve their own record in relation to observance of human rights. In addition, there have been calls for the cancellation of visits by politicians, academics, and artistic performers; for non-participation in international athletic contests — a western adaptation of the African ban of the Montreal Olympic Games because of New Zealand’s participation while the latter’s athletes were not barred from competing in South Africa; for non-participation in technical and scientific conferences; and for the breaking of town-twinning arrangements. This attitude has been fed somewhat by reason of the activities of “Helsinki watchers,” who contend that this or that country, and particularly the Soviet Union, is not living up to its human rights obligations as embodied in the Helsinki Agreement.

Dynamics of India's Strategic Environment

1978 ◽  
Vol 17 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 399-411 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jayantanuja Bandyopadhyaya
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Soviet Union ◽  
Third World ◽  
The United States ◽  
Point Of View ◽  
Foreseeable Future ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
The One ◽  
The Third World ◽  
Indian Foreign Policy

India's strategic environment has undergone significant changes in recent years, especially in the seventies. From the point of view of Indian foreign policy, the strategic environment and its dynamics can be studied in three different spheres: (1) the global strategic environment, particularly consisting of the strategic confrontation between the United States and its allies on the one hand and the Soviet Union and its allies on the other; (2) the immediate strategic environment, consisting mainly of Pakistan and China; and (3) the intermediate strategic environment, consisting of the non-aligned movement and the Third World. Needless to say, there is considerable and inevitable overlap and feedback among these three spheres of the strategic environment. They are, nevertheless, conceptually and operationally different spheres. The purpose of this article is to analyse the recent changes in these three different spheres of our strategic environment and the implications of these changes for our foreign policy in the foreseeable future.

The Dynamics of Reputation

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mark J.C. Crescenzi
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Soviet Union ◽  
Dynamic Model ◽  
The United States ◽  
World Politics ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
Formation And Evolution ◽  
Key Terms ◽  
Global Relations

This chapter examines the study of reputation in world politics and provides a model of reputation formation and evolution, emphasizing that, paradoxically, the role and relevance of reputation in global relations has been both pervasive and evasive. The chapter identifies a functional, dynamic model of reputation, and introduces the key terms of “antagonist,” “protagonist,” and “proxy” states. This model places particular emphasis on states in the context of world politics, and argues that states and their leaders indeed have reputations, but these reputations are complex and multi-dimensional. The post-WWII relationship between the United States and the Soviet Union provides an illuminating example.

Winning the Third World

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gregg A. Brazinsky
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Soviet Union ◽  
Soft Power ◽  
Third World ◽  
The United States ◽  
Leadership Role ◽  
The Third ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
Broad Array ◽  
The Third World

Winning the Third World examines afresh the intense and enduring rivalry between the United States and China during the Cold War. Gregg A. Brazinsky shows how both nations fought vigorously to establish their influence in newly independent African and Asian countries. By playing a leadership role in Asia and Africa, China hoped to regain its status in world affairs, but Americans feared that China's history as a nonwhite, anticolonial nation would make it an even more dangerous threat in the postcolonial world than the Soviet Union. Drawing on a broad array of new archival materials from China and the United States, Brazinsky demonstrates that disrupting China's efforts to elevate its stature became an important motive behind Washington's use of both hard and soft power in the "Global South."

The Great Victory and the post-war world order (from the League of Nations to the UN)

2020 ◽  
Vol 26 (4) ◽  
pp. 30-40
Author(s):  
Larissa S. Ruban ◽  
Wong Qu
Keyword(s):  
Soviet Union ◽  
World Order ◽  
The United States ◽  
League Of Nations ◽  
Modern World ◽  
The United Kingdom ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
The Crimea ◽  
Post War ◽  
Great Victory

The author shows how the post-war world order was formed and what role the countries that were allies of the anti-Hitler coalition (the Soviet Union, the United States, and the United Kingdom) played in this process. The development of the Charter and procedures for the activities of the United Nations, which took place at the meeting Stalin, Roosevelt and Churchill at the Yalta conference in February 1945 in the Crimea, is discussed in detail. Describing the current situation in the context of globalization, the author leads the discussion of Russian and foreign scientists about the vision of the modern world.

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