scholarly journals ISSUES OF PUBLIC POLITICAL LIFE OF AZERBAIJAN İN 1905-1907. Journals operating in 1905-1907.

Globus ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 7 (5(62)) ◽  
pp. 10-15
Author(s):  
Shovket Eyvaz kyzy Panahova

The article reflects the process of formation of the socio-political thought of Azerbaijan and its rise to the level of national self-awareness. «Hayat», «Irshad», «Fuyuzat», «Molla Nasreddin», «Dirilik», «Achyk soz», «Istiglal» — functioned as progressive, democratic media in Northern Azerbaijan. The article emphasizes the importance of the media in the life of the Azerbaijani Turks. The subject of the research is the media leading to the ideals of the republic while maintaining the solidarity and national identity of the Turkic-Muslim population. The research is based on data from journal publications from 1905-1907, the main driving force of the national liberation movement in Azerbaijan.

At the present stage of development of society the problem of identification and self- identification of the person becomes actual one. Individual consciousness is split by the influence of mass culture, the use of technologies of consciousness change, for example, in situations of formation of public opinion, the absolutization of any facet of a person (a person who produces, a person who consumes, etc.). The problem of self-identification without understanding the essence of man cannot be solved. The essential characteristic of man is consciousness. As a generic characteristic, consciousness is manifested in each individual through the prism of the unique essence of a particular personality. The component structure of consciousness includes will, knowledge, emotions (volitional, rational-mental and emotional-sensual spheres) and self-consciousness. Modern deconstruction of personality is carried out mainly through deconstruction of the rational-mental sphere; therefore, there is reason to assume that the relationship of this component with others is a backbone. Analysis of the absolutization of other components of consciousness (will and emotions) shows that formlessness or emptiness is what the essence of a person becomes when such a component as rationality is removed from his consciousness. Postmodernism captures the «death of the subject». He emphasizes the impossibility of an independent individual consciousness. The subject is transformed into an instrument of blind impersonal social processes. Information technology is used to influence people's minds. A person begins to represent reality not in accordance with his personal perception, but through its reflection in the media. From the above we can see all the difficulties of self-determination in the information society. Information society and mass culture replicated by it lead to internal disharmony and fragmentary personality. This could lead to her false identification. Therefore, it is necessary to be clearly aware of the situation, so that there is no substitution of the personality by the«likeness», that is, not to become a «quasi-personality». To resist the existing state of affairs, the subject must be only integral one on the personal and generic levels, and not fragmented, "decentralized" individual, devoid of self-awareness and clear identity. Therefore, modern man needs to develop the ability to form his own judgment and strive to penetrate into the essence of processes and phenomena.


Author(s):  
T. O. Yerzhanov ◽  
A. G. Mukhamedzhanova

The article examines the legal foundations of post-privatization control of social facilities in Kazakhstan as a factor in increasing the efficiency of privatization. Based on the study of legislation, the current role and essence of post-privatization control has been determined. The current situation in the implementation of post-privatization control is analyzed, problems of the effectiveness of the implementation of post-privatization control are identified, and ways of their solution are proposed. The methodological basis of the research was formed by the methods of critical legal and content analysis. The research toolkit included criticism of the law enforcement practice of the legislation of the Republic of Kazakhstan in the field of state property, using a specific example. In addition, the author analyzed interviews and statements in the media of other stakeholders of the privatization process in order to study their position on the subject of this study. The results of the study show that, despite the optimistic attitude of representatives of state bodies against the background of the absence of negative “cases”, the current legislation regulating relations in the field of state property lacks effective mechanisms to influence purchasers of social facilities, which would ensure the protection of the interests of society in obtaining quality social services.


2007 ◽  
Vol 23 ◽  
Author(s):  
Per Jørgensen

Per Jørgensen: Danish national identity and the media at the Olympic Games 1908-1960It has often been said that sport, and not least soccer, plays an important role in the construction of national identity. This is also the case in Denmark. This paper examines how the subject of Danish national consciousness, national feelings and nationalism, in the article collectively called »Danishness«, was culturally expressed through sport journalism in the period 1908-1960. The subject matter is the soccer- tournaments in those specific Olympic Games where Denmark took part. The discourse of the sport journalism in the paper »Politiken« has been hermeneutically analyzed. Research on how nationalism is expressed in one country requires international comparisons to allow theoretical generalizations. Therefore a minor study of the sport journalism of the Swedish newspaper »Dagens Nyheter« has been carried out regarding selected soccer-matches with Swedish participation in the Olympic Games in 1912, 1948 and 1952. Many of the characteristics of present day society referred to as »Danishness« are also explicit in the period 1908-1960 in the newspaper »Politiken«. A comparison between »Politiken« and »Dagens Nyheter« seems to show that the Danish discourse has distinctively Danish characteristics.


2021 ◽  
Vol 21 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 13-21
Author(s):  
Eva M. Grober

The relevance of the work is due to the need of comprehending the process of formation and content filling of the category of civic consciousness in the modern world based on the principles of philosophers understanding of the categories consciousness and self-consciousness in social and humanitarian knowledge. The purpose of the study is to consider certain aspects of civic consciousness not only by revealing its essence, as a modern manifestation of the phenomenon of a persons awareness of his civic status, but also from the standpoint of the significance of his potential in social and humanitarian knowledge in general. As a methodological basis of the research, we define the humanitarian problematization of the material under study, which provides a philosophical formulation of the research problem, which, in combination with the dialectical method, allows us to carry out a comprehensive analysis of the category of civic consciousness. Consideration of the category indicated by us allows us to determine how, through the development of social consciousness, there is an understanding of the events and phenomena occurring in society, as well as the establishment of a persons place in social and political life and, as a result, self-determination and self-consciousness of a person in society. The plurality of approaches to the study of the formation of civic consciousness allows us to conclude that there is a high need to consider this issue in all historical periods. Based on the formed ideas about self-awareness, we have established the following models of self-awareness of a person and a citizen: world man, world man transformation, world 1 man transformation world 2, world 1 man transformation world 2 number person. Thus, civic consciousness in the structure of power relations is the subjects consciousness of his skills and abilities, along with an awareness of the actions performed by the subject in order to be involved in the processes established by the power structures.


Author(s):  
Paul Kubicek

Since its establishment in 1923, the Republic of Turkey has struggled to establish a stable, well-functioning democratic system. Turkey’s founding leader, Mustafa Kemal—who was given the name “Atatürk” (father of all Turks) in 1934—adopted many reforms to modernize and Westernize the country. However, during most of Kemal’s rule (r. 1923–1938), Turkey was a single-party regime in which political opposition was very circumscribed and repressed. Although Turkey did formally democratize after World War II, its democracy has been interrupted by several military interventions and beset with numerous problems, including restrictions on civil and political rights, closures of political parties, and political violence. Although outright authoritarianism has been the exception rather than the rule since the 1940s, many Turkish governments have exhibited authoritarian tendencies, and institutions have been created to give non-elected actors—in particular, the military—an important role in political life. Those challenging the secular, unitary nature of the state—e.g., Islamic-oriented political parties and Kurdish movements—have been repressed. In the early 2000s, the governing Adalet ve Kalkinma Partisi (AKP), or Justice and Development Party, launched a series of reforms that pushed Turkey in a more democratic direction. However, in the 2010s, many began to believe Turkish democracy was again under assault, evidenced in an erosion of checks and balances and rule of law, a crackdown on the media, and use of anti-terror laws to repress dissent. By most accounts, the situation has deteriorated after a failed coup attempt in 2016, which was followed by dismissals and arrests of tens of thousands of people, declaration of a state of emergency, and constitutional changes that create a more centralized presidential system. The literature on Turkish politics is frequently periodized, meaning that the emphasis on democratization or the (re)emergence of authoritarianism is often a reflection of contemporary events. Whereas much of the work on Turkish politics in the first years of the republic acknowledged its single-party, authoritarian nature, the emphasis in later years often was more on the hopes and shortcomings of democratization, with attention given to various authoritarian features as opposed to an institutionalized authoritarian system. Studies of the AKP, in particular, are subject to periodization, with initial assessments of its policies grounded more on its democratization and later works focusing much more on its authoritarian turn.


2020 ◽  
Vol 195 (1) ◽  
pp. 69-75
Author(s):  
Bartosz Maziarz

The Territorial Defense Force is of great interest to politicians, the media and public opinion. A great deal of misinformation and misconceptions have arisen about the subject related to the newly created type of the Polish Armed Forces. Therefore, the aim of the article is to familiarize the reader with the role, place and tasks of the Territorial Defense Force in the national system of combating terrorism based on the provisions of the law in force in Poland. The article attempts to determine the opportunities and threats under the provisions of the Act on Anti-Terrorism of June 10, 2016, and the Act amending the Act on the Universal Obligation to Defend the Republic of Poland and certain other acts of November 16, 2016, to the Territorial Defense Force and for the security of the country. Comparative analysis of the legal acts mentioned above seems necessary for a better understanding of the peculiarities of the operation of the Territorial Defense Force in the Polish legal system and the security system.


Author(s):  
S. B. Rinchinova

In modern society, there is an active process of the revival of religions, reflected in the formation of the religious consciousness of young people, including students. Youth is included in the religious system under the influence of the family, the media, advertising and the promotion of religious ideas. Faith in God is one of the indicators of the development of religious consciousness among students. In Buryatia, the religious life of society is associated with faiths that historically shape religious consciousness: shamanism, Buddhism, Christianity, accompanied by an increase in the construction of temples, datsans, the opening of shamanistic ritual places of worship, etc. In connection with the increase in the religious activity of society, a sociological study was conducted among students of students studying at the Buryat Institute of Infocommunications, a branch of the Siberian State University of Telecommunications and Informatics. The results of the analysis showed that the majority of students believe in God and have a religious consciousness, while Orthodoxy and Buddhism are dominant in determining the religiosity of respondents. Christianity in the form of Orthodoxy and Catholicism is also represented in the religious consciousness of students. At the same time, Orthodoxy is predominant among students, indicating religious identity in the unification of the peoples of Russia. Belief in Buddhism in religious consciousness is identified with the ethnicity of the Buryats. Shamanism and Buddhism as a belief in deities are separated, along with this they have common ideas in a single substrate of religious consciousness. The process of the revival of Orthodoxy, Buddhism and shamanism continues, students, on the basis of faith in God, identify themselves with religions on ethnic, social, ideological grounds, which in our opinion is associated with the growth of national identity of ethnic groups. Faith has become an indicator of ethnic and national identity, positively influencing religious self-awareness, strengthening the cultural traditional values of our state. The purpose of the study is to identify the characteristics of faith in the religious consciousness of students of the Buryat Institute of Infocommunications to obtain objective results of the development of youth religiosity.


1998 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
pp. 21-40 ◽  
Author(s):  
Steven J. Jackson

This study maps the media discourses surrounding Ben Johnson’s life “in the fast lane” to further understand one particular aspect of a contemporary crisis of identity (or, more accurately, identities) in Canada. Specifically, this study provides: (a) a context within which to locate Johnson’s rise and fall from hero to scapegoat as articulated to the 1988 crisis of Canadian identity; (b) a chronology of the twist of race, or changing racial discourses which serve to define and redefine Ben Johnson’s racial and national identities; and (c) a discussion of the politics of identity in relation to multiculturalism and the representation of Ben Johnson as the “other” in Canada. The results reveal that Ben Johnson’s identity was the subject of a range of representations including those linked to racist stereotypes. Moreover, the results suggest that the discourses defining Ben Johnson are constituted by, and constitutive of, broader debates about identity in Canada.


Author(s):  
Iakov Smirnov

The subject of this research is the struggle of political elites in Montenegro, which was a constituent federated state of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, in the late 1990s. In 1997, as a result of split between the ruling in Montenegro Democratic Party of Socialists, the political life of the country faced a severe crisis. The opposition wing within Democratic Party of Socialists, headed by the young politician Milo Đukanović won the confrontation. The result of this conflict became a drastic change in the country's political orientation in its relations with Serbia and the federal center in Belgrade. The author examines the factors that caused crisis situation and proliferation in the republic. The article determines the key stages of political confrontation in the republic and their fundamental characteristics. The first stage marks the internal struggle of the elites, juxtaposition of reformist wing of the ruling party, which criticized the allied authorities in Belgrade, and its conservative parliamentary group that supported alliance with the authorities of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia and its leader Slobodan Milošević. At the second stage, the confrontation extends beyond the republic and shifts onto the federal level, becoming an inter-republican conflict. The scientific novelty of this work consists in the original approach towards studying the topic at hand, using the new sources and literature.


Author(s):  
O. Ivchenko

The article is dedicated to the study of such a direction of political thought of the English Revolution of the 17th century as the constitutional royalism. This ideological direction has not been the subject of research by historians, who have focused mainly on the analysis of the ideas of supporters of Parliament. But the theory of constitutional royalism underlies the modern political system of Great Britain. This fact determines the relevance of this study. The term "constitutional royalism", first proposed by the English historian David Smith, characterizes a group of royalists who submited the idea of the king's rule in Parliament, or the idea of "mixed monarchy". The article aims to consider the historical context of the formation of the theory of constitutional royalism. The article describes the socio-political and ideological conditions that helped to form this area of political thought. The author concludes that the idea of constitutional royalism could have arisen and received its further development only in connection with the conditions prevailing in England in the 17th century. The new ruler James I wanted to strengthen the power of the monarch and make it absolute. The king and Parliament argued over the issue of the royal prerogative, namely the extraordinary rights of the monarch. James I sought to increase this prerogative, and Parliament wanted to limit it. Over time, there is a group of constitutional royalists – those who advocated the reign of the king in Parliament. Proponents of this idea believed that the monarch should retain all power, but Parliament at the same time performs advisory functions and helps the king to rule the state. Appearing during the English Revolution of the 17th century, the idea of constitutional royalism influenced on the political life of England and contributed to the formation of its modern state of affairs.


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