HEIMEVERNET - THE PILLAR OF NORWAY’S DEFENCE POLICY

2020 ◽  
Vol 116 (3) ◽  
pp. 103-118
Author(s):  
Adam Marek

The aim of this article is to analyse the organisation and functioning of Norwegian territorial defence (nor. Heimevernet) by showing its specificity and place in the national security system. The content of this study was intended to bring the reader closer to information on the functioning of this type of formation and answer the question posed during the research, that is, how does the territorial defence system work, which is connected to the entire defence system of the state in the military layer, i.e.: the organisational structure of the formation, the role of the formation in the national defence strategy, the organisation of the recruitment system and the training of candidates for service, as well as the civil level through the close cooperation of individual elements of the territorial organisation of military administration, Heimevernet territorial units with local government bodies at all levels in the Nordic strategic culture, and whether the conclusions of the study would provide a benchmark in the implementation of some solutions to the Polish concept of building a territorial defence system. This scientific article has been prepared on the basis of the available local literature on the Norwegian defence system, and on the basis of the research material collected in preparing the thesis.

2019 ◽  
Vol 31 (4) ◽  
pp. 688-706
Author(s):  
Oscar Schiavone

From 1547 to his death in 1561, Luca Martini (1507–1561), a Florentine polymath and bureaucrat, was appointed superintendent of the Ufficio dei fossi in Pisa. Duke Cosimo I de’ Medici tasked him with the reorganisation of coastal Tuscany, which entailed reclaiming the Pisan plain, restoring and embellishing major and minor urban centres and reviving trade in the area. In his capacity as superintendent, however, he was also in charge of supervising Pisa’s shipyard, building a new military and commercial fleet and renovating the coastal defence system. This article will show how Martini’s unique concentration of power was instrumental in reorienting the Medici perception of the Tyrrhenian as a ‘last frontier’ to be exploited and defended.


2020 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 116-124
Author(s):  
Oksana Salata

In this article, the role of periodicals in the propaganda activities of the occupation authorities of the Reichskommissariat Ukraine and the military administration zone has been revealed; the content and types of periodicals have been shown; the task set before them by the Nazi occupation authorities in forming appropriate ideological structures to influence the population of the occupied territories of Ukraine has been disclosed. It is shown that Hitler’s governance used the press as one of the effective means of influencing not only the opinion, but also the consciousness of the population of the temporarily occupied territories. The subject of the study is the content of periodicals and their influence on the behaviour, moral and psychological condition of the population of the Ukrainian territories occupied by the Nazi army. The main aspects of Nazi Germany’s information policy in the occupied territories have been revealed with the use of comparative-historical and problem-chronological methods, as well as content analysis, which allowed to analyse the content of periodicals and to highlight the features of their content lines. The occupation administration used various forms of propaganda: publishing newspapers and magazines in Ukrainian; demonstrating special films in cinemas; releasing visual agitation in the form of posters and leaflets, as well as documentary exhibitions; through theatre plays, radio broadcasts in Ukrainian, Russian and other languages. It resorted to the modern methods of using the press in times of the war. The population of the temporarily occupied territories of the USSR demanded news as the only opportunity to navigate in those difficult conditions. That is why Hitler’s governance used the press as one of the effective means of influence not only the opinion, but also the consciousness of the population of the temporarily occupied territories. The German occupation authorities tried to take advantage of the “information hunger” that prevailed after the retreat of Soviet troops and to fill the information vacuum with their own propaganda. In order to spread the necessary information among the population, the Nazi occupation authorities published newspapers and magazines in each region, district, city.


Author(s):  
P. Timofeev ◽  
M. Khorolskaya

The article focuses on the French and German joint efforts towards strengthening the EU’s ability to address the security challenges and act in the European frontier regions. The authors look closely at the two instruments aimed at developing the EU defense capacity: civil missions and military operations, and the European Intervention Initiative (EI2). In the first part of the article, they argue that after 1992 there was a strong possibility for the UK becoming France’s major partner in the military field, rather than Germany. Nevertheless, eventually, Germany shifted to the position of the key French ally in this area, helping to build the basis for the EU autonomous military potential. The EU has undertaken a number of civil missions and military operations; however, their scale and main parameters are far from the characteristics of such interventions of the UN, NATO, or national military operations. The authors indicate that it is difficult to talk about any “special role” of the Franco-German tandem in this field. Both states can be described as “major donors” for the EU missions and operations rather than champions in the EU security. In several cases there is a lack of synchronization of the countries’ objectives thus their military cooperation sometimes causes serious misunderstandings blocking the fragile coordination on the EU level. In the second part of their research the authors analyze the role of the Franco-German tandem in the European Intervention Initiative (EI2) establishment. The article examines three reasons behind the France’s decision to launch the EI2 initiative in 2018 despite some German objections. The EI2 emerged as a flexible frame for nine countries seeking to carry out offensive operations and interventions outside of the EU and to develop a joint strategic culture. The unique character of the EI2 is evident due to its possibility to engage member countries of the EU, CSFP/PESCO and NATO. The new organization aims to coordinate the work of strategic groups on the broad range of issues. The authors conclude that despite some differences, the Franco-German tandem stimulates a range of projects aspiring to expand its European leadership and to enforce the EU strategic autonomy. Meanwhile, the military leadership of the tandem in the future is not guaranteed, and as the PESCO example shows, there are reasons to start talking about the “quadriga” of players (France, Germany, Italy and Spain), possibly in cooperation with the UK.


2020 ◽  
pp. 7-20
Author(s):  
Alexander Sidorov ◽  

The introduction examines the interaction of the EU countries and their approaches to the themes of defence and security in the changed geopolitical realities (Brexit, D. Trump's rise to power in the USA, the mood of the new leadership of the EU institutions, etc.). It highlights both the difficulties in creating an independent defence pole and the opportunities that open up in connection with Brexit and an objective reduction in the potential for blocking initiatives aimed at revitalizing and implementing specific defence projects. The difficulties of creating the EU military doctrine and the implementation of a common strategic culture are revealed in the context of different goal-setting of the main participants in European defence construction, related, inter alia, to the heterogeneous development of the integration in the context of its ongoing expansion, different perception and assessment of threats and the existence of de facto unequal security zones in Europe. The nature of the interaction between the CSDP EU and NATO is shown; the role of this interaction as a catalyst for the processes of greater EU independence in the military sphere is highlighted, taking into account the specifics of the EU global approach to resolving crises of low and medium intensity on the periphery of the EU. An assessment of the feasibility of cooperation plans in the field of defence and security, initiatives at the EU and interstate levels in connection with the pandemic is given. It notes the flexibility, sustainability and multi-formatting of defence cooperation in the EU, the political mood of its main participants to continue and improve cooperation within the framework of the CSDP in order to strengthen the EU’s position as an international political actor.


2019 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 487 ◽  
Author(s):  
Krzysztof Goniewicz ◽  
Mariusz Goniewicz ◽  
Frederick Burkle

The functioning of the “territorial army” of Poland is described in military history alongside that of the regular active combat troops. The main aim in creating “territorial troops” was to strengthen the state’s defence system. In countries with relatively long traditions concerning such troops, they now constitute an important link in the state’s defence system, counting close to the regular operational forces. Their purpose, and thus the goals and tasks set for them, depend on the specific needs related to the security of a given state, and are adequate in addressing the occurrence of possible threats. Given international guidelines for the proper use of the military in natural disasters and the rapidly changing landscape required for emergency assistance, Poland has recreated disaster-related operations of the existing Territorial Defence Force, now under the designated Territorial Defence Force, which will be limited to the territory of the country and largely focused on cooperation with the civilian sector. This article is written for two major reasons: One to both present the conditions and possibilities of cooperation between the Territorial Defence Force and public administration in the event of a natural disaster within Poland, and two to foster shared guidance and feedback from countries undergoing similar advancements. This is especially crucial in recognition that natural disasters are increasingly impacted by cross-border factors such as climate extremes, biodiversity losses, rapid and often unsustainable urban population growth, refugee migrations, growing scarcities of water, energy and food, and increasing risks of internal conflict all of which place increasing demands on Poland and its neighbors to begin a larger dialogue of cooperation.


2020 ◽  
Vol 26 ◽  
pp. 193-212
Author(s):  
Jędrzej Paszkiewicz

The aim of the article is to show the role of the Balkan states within the Greek foreign policy during the period 1918–1923, on the base of diplomatic correspondence and historiography. The consequences of the military conflict with Turkey (1918–1922) and the internal problems, constantly harassing the socio-political life of Greece, seriously weakened its ability to impact effectively on particular geopolitical problems in the Balkan region. The Greek regional policy could be achieved, completely or partially, only with close cooperation with the powers from outside. It was connected with such cases as the delimitation of the Albanian frontier or the solution of the Western Thrace question in 1920. On the other hand, the proceedings of the Greek diplomats were determined by the belief that due to the unresolved territorial and national controversies, especially in the issue of the Macedonian and Thracian lands, the particular Balkan states were dependent on each other on the international arena. That is why the Greek diplomacy started apply the tactics of balance of power in the region, aiming at the creation of less or more stable bilateral political constructions with the Kingdom SCS (Yugoslavia) and Romania. Their aim was to ensure the advantage over the competitors on the Balkan arena, especially over Bulgarian and Turkish revisionist agendas. 


Author(s):  
VINKO VEGIČ

Spreminjanje vloge vojsk v evropskih državah pod vplivom dogajanj po hladni vojni postavlja številna vprašanja tako na teoretični kot na praktični ravni. Na spremembo vloge vojsk pomembno vplivajo predvsem ozemeljska (pre)razporeditev konfrontacij in konfliktov, spreminjanje podobe oboroženih konfliktov ter povečanje pripravljenosti zahodnih držav za vojaško posredovanje v soseščini. Prispevek obravnava teoretična razmišljanja o vlogi vojsk v evropskih državah, prikaže pa tudi nekatere analitične poglede na vlogo vojsk v okviru Nata in EU. Najbolj pomembna sprememba glede vloge vojsk je zmanjševanje potrebe po obrambi ozemlja ter pojav precej različnih in pogosto nejasno definiranih nalog. Tem spremembam pa morajo države prilagoditi tudi obrambne doktrine ter strukturo vojsk. Postopno slovo od ozemeljske obrambne vloge vojske za oblikovalce obrambne politike odpira vrsto vprašanj tako glede odnosa med vojsko in njenim družbenim okoljem kot tudi glede njene notranje organiziranosti. The changing roles of armed forces in European countries, which are influenced by the post- Cold War developments, have opened many questions both, on the theoretical and practical level. The role of the armed forces is influenced mostly by: the territorial (re)location of confrontations and conflicts, the changing feature of armed conflicts and increased willingness of Western states to intervene in their neighbourhood. The article discusses theoretical considerations on the role of armed forces in European countries and presents also some analytical views on the role of armed forces military roles in the framework of NATO and EU. The most important change concerning the role of armed forces is a diminishing need for territorial defence and the emergence of different and frequently vaguely defined tasks of European states’ armed forces. These changes require also the adaptation of defence doctrines and military structure. A gradual farewell to the territorial defence function of the armed forces raises numerous questions for defence policy-makers, which concern the relations between the armed forces and their social environment as well as the military internal organisational structure.


Author(s):  
O. L. Makarevich

The article is devoted to the analysis and generalization of the experience of mobilization work of the military administration of the Red Army, received during the Civil War 1918-1922. Historically short period of time is unique in that under emergency conditions of war and economic ruin, in the ring of fronts against the white armies and foreign troops of the interventionists, the Soviet leadership managed to create and establish an overall effective mechanism for manning the Red Army troops. The article considers the evolution of the main mobilization body - the Mobilization Department (since September 1918 - Management) of the all-Russian General staff. The role of so called “military experts” - former officers and Joint Staff generals who often held similar positions in the mobilization bodies of the old army - in the correct formulation of mobilization work is emphasized. The article shows the features and results of registration and mobilization work, expressed in various ways of staffing troops with human resources: general and private appeals, identification and legalization of deserters, unscheduled military (local) mobilization. Explanations are given for the dominance of certain methods of recruiting troops at various stages of the Civil war.


2020 ◽  
Vol 10 (4) ◽  
pp. 137-142
Author(s):  
ALEXEY ROMAKHIN ◽  

This article reveals the problem of the role of the religious factor in the formation of the value orientations of the military personnel of the Russian army from its inception to the present state. In the article, the author reveals the significance of the Church in the formation of the value orientations of military personnel. The problem of religious situation in foreign armies is considered. The article presents data from sociological studies confirming the increase in the number of religious servicemen in the modern Armed Forces. The concept of “religious factor” is revealed. The author suggests considering the influence of the religious factor on the formation of value orientations through the functions of religion. The article provides examples of the influence of religion on the formation of value orientations of military personnel from the time of the Baptism of Russia to the present. Examples of writers of Russian classical literature about the influence of religion on the morale of troops are given. Examples of religious participation in major battles and wars of the past years are shown. The significance of the religious factor in uniting the people and the army is shown. The work of officials of the Ministry of defense of the Russian Federation in strengthening values among military personnel in modern conditions is demonstrated. The role of the Minister of defense of the Russian Federation, General of the army S.K. Shoigu in strengthening the faith of the Russian army is outlined. Issues related to the construction of the Main Temple of the Armed Forces and its impact on the public masses were discussed. In this study, the author aims to show the significant role of religion in the formation of value orientations in Russian military personnel. The analysis shows an increasing role of religion in the minds of military personnel in modern conditions.


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