Between Cooperation and Competition Electoral Alliances of the Parliamentary Opposition in Poland during the 2018–2019 Series of Three Elections

2021 ◽  
Vol 28 (2) ◽  
pp. 167-185
Author(s):  
Arkadiusz Lewandowski
Keyword(s):  
European Parliament ◽  
Unified Model ◽  
Local Elections ◽  
Parliamentary Elections ◽  
Cooperation And Competition ◽  
The Given

The 2019 Polish parliamentary elections were the last in a series of three elections held within 12 months (chronologically: local elections, European Parliament election, elections to the Sejm and the Senate). The three consecutive elections opened up the possibility for cooperation within the parliamentary opposition with the aim of political victory. This article examines the relations between opposition groups in 2018–2019. Each election is analyzed in terms of the nature of relations within the opposition as well as cooperation and interparty competition. The hypothesis assumes that the types of relations among parliamentary opposition groups were shaped by the character of the given elections and the decisions taken by individual parties choosing between maintaining their independence and steps to potentially increase their electoral chances. The analysis shows that during the period in question the opposition did not develop a stable unified model of cooperation and that relations between individual groups were dominated by competition; however, depending on the election, cooperation was possible and was pragmatically pursued by the parties, as in the case of the European Coalition. The only stable cooperation was between Civic Platform and Modern.

Regional features of local elections in 2020: Poltava region

2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 5-12
Author(s):  
Petro Vorona ◽  
S. A. Solovey
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Local Governments ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
Opinion Leaders ◽  
Local Elections ◽  
Parliamentary Elections ◽  
Party Building ◽  
Regional Features ◽  
Electoral Law

The article considers the issue of holding local elections on the example of one of the regions of Ukraine - Poltava region. The research hypothesis is based on the study of the dynamics of party representation in local governments of Poltava region as a central, iconic region to study the evolution of electoral sympathies and features of party building from the standpoint of public administration science. The author conducted a comparative analysis of the electoral preferences of Poltava residents in the local elections in terms of political parties and their dynamics in accordance with the 2015 elections. The development of democratic processes is directly dependent on the mechanisms and procedures for both local and parliamentary elections - the extent to which electoral law allows the majority of voters to understand the wide variety of political parties and candidates, allows opinion leaders to participate in elections. It is pointed out that there is a certain regrouping («political mimicry») of some political parties in the country, as a reestablishment of the «old political elite» and a campaign for local elections in a new composition and with a new name. The article focuses on strengthening the role of regionally influenced political parties in local elections. They allowed the local political elite to be more independent of all-Ukrainian parliamentary parties. Attention is drawn to local political party projects led by charismatic or financially influential politicians. It is noted that the local elections in 2020 continued the positive dynamics of change - from the previous convocation, only a quarter of people entered the Poltava Regional Council, and its membership was renewed by almost 70%. The dominance of the post-Soviet communist and Komsomol elites in the region, which were characterized by exceptional unity, is disappearing, although they retain some of their political electoral influence in the region. It is pointed out the need to further improve the provisions of the Electoral Code where it is necessary to lay down the principle of fairness in the distribution of seats on the main electoral list in accordance with the electoral rating of candidates.

Not All ‘Second-Order’ Contests are the Same: Turnout and Party Choice at the Concurrent 2004 Local and European Parliament Elections in England

2005 ◽  
Vol 7 (4) ◽  
pp. 584-597 ◽  
Author(s):  
Colin Rallings ◽  
Michael Thrasher
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Significant Contribution ◽  
European Parliament ◽  
Second Order ◽  
Local Elections ◽  
European Elections ◽  
Party Choice ◽  
European Parliament Elections ◽  
Sizeable Number ◽  
Level Analysis

The European Parliament elections in June 2004 coincided with local elections in many parts of England. In four regions of the country these elections were conducted entirely by postal ballots; in four other regions traditional methods of polling were used. Overall turnout was higher where all-postal voting was in place, but having local in addition to European elections made an independent and significant contribution to the level of electoral participation in all postal and non-postal regions alike. The pattern of party choice at the two types of contest also varied considerably. The three major political parties together took a much larger share of the overall vote at the local than at the European elections, and each independently ‘lost’ a sizeable number of its local votes to smaller parties. Aggregate level analysis suggests that voters assess the importance of electoral contests along a continuum and, in Britain in 2004 at least, treated local elections as less ‘second-order’ than pan-European ones.

scholarly journals The Present Global Crisis and Its Effect on the Turkish Economy

2010 ◽  
Author(s):  
Özlen Hiç
Keyword(s):  
Developing Countries ◽  
Interest Rates ◽  
Economic Crisis ◽  
Developed Countries ◽  
Local Elections ◽  
Parliamentary Elections ◽  
Turkish Economy ◽  
The Usa ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Developed Countries

The global economic crisis first started in the USA in September 2008 as a widespread insolvency problem caused by mortgage debts of households that had become unpayable. The financial crisis, in turn, caused a serious recession. The economic crisis soon spread to other developed countries because their banks held assets of US banks that had become nearly worthless while exports of these countries to the USA decreased significantly. Then it spread to developing countries because direct private investments (DPIs) and financial funds flowing from developed to developing countries declined precipitously while exports of the latter to the former countries also fell down. The developed countries, however, took proper steps to ameliorate the crisis by lowering the interest rates, helping the insolvent banks financially as wel as launching public expenditure programmes. Turkey was one of the worst hit countries because she had been following wrong globalization strategies. Privatization process was corrupt while much of the DPIs went to those fields which did not yield much increase in employment or export potential. But most importantly, Turkey had raised interest rates to abnormally high levels and thereby had vastly expanded her internal and external debts. Hence, as a result of the global economic crises, Turkey suffered a significantly deep fall in her GNP growth rate and a very big increase in her unemployment rate. Though Turkey took several measures to ameliorate the balance of payments deficit and to expand total demand, hence production, the government refrained from making a stand-by agreement with the IMF in order to avoid strict discipline in her government expenditures due to first, local elections and presently, the coming parliamentary elections.

scholarly journals The Czech Pirate Party in the 2010 and 2013 Parliamentary Elections and the 2014 European Parliament Elections: Spatial Analysis of Voter Support

2017 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
pp. 5-33 ◽  
Author(s):  
Pavel Maškarinec
Keyword(s):  
Spatial Analysis ◽  
Spatial Regression ◽  
European Parliament ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Main Method ◽  
Spatial Characteristics ◽  
Parliamentary Elections ◽  
Peripheral Areas ◽  
European Parliament Elections ◽  
College Educated

Abstract The paper presents a spatial analysis of the Czech Pirate Party (Pirates) voter support in the 2010 and 2013 parliamentary elections and the 2014 European Parliament elections. The main method applied for classifying electoral results was the spatial autocorrelation and spatial regression. The result of the analysis has shown that territorial support for the Pirates copies to a great extent the areas of high support for right-wing parties and simultaneously the areas exemplified by a high development potential. In the case of spatial characteristics, little support for the Pirates was shown in Moravia and higher in the Sudetenland in terms of determinants of support. Additionally to spatial regimes, inter-regional support for the Pirates was also influenced by other non-spatial characteristics, although the strength of their influence was relatively weak. The units which embodied a successful environment for voting for the Pirates were particularly characterized by greater urbanization and a greater number of entrepreneurs, while a lack of jobs and the older age structure, i.e. the signs that in the socio-economic, or socio-ecological sense define peripheral areas, negatively impacted the gains of the Pirates. Ambiguous influence was exercised by college-educated inhabitants, who in the parliamentary elections in 2010 and 2013 decreased the gains of the Pirates, however, in the elections to the European Parliament in 2014 a direction of relationship was modified and turned positive.

Sinhalese-Muslim tensions will rise in Sri Lanka

2018 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Direct Investment ◽  
Sri Lanka ◽  
Free Speech ◽  
Direct Investment ◽  
Prime Minister ◽  
Local Elections ◽  
National Party ◽  
National Unity ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Parliamentary Elections

Significance President Maithripala Sirisena’s Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP) and Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe’s United National Party (UNP), which form the National Unity Government (NUG), performed poorly in last month’s local elections, in which former President Mahinda Rajapaksa’s Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna (SLPP) -- popular among Sinhalese Buddhist nationalists -- swept to victory. Sri Lanka’s next presidential and parliamentary elections are due in 2020. Impacts Tourism and foreign direct investment are likely to be adversely impacted by frequent communal clashes. Amid concern over social media’s use to orchestrate violence, Sri Lanka could introduce legislation that curbs free speech. Further violence would increase friction between Sirisena and Wickremesinghe, threatening the NUG’s stability.

South Korea's leader may be less secure than he looks

2018 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Democratic Party ◽  
Local Elections ◽  
Short Term ◽  
Content Type ◽  
National Assembly ◽  
Parliamentary Elections ◽  
South Korean ◽  
Approval Rating ◽  
Left And Right ◽  
Ruling Party

Subject The strengths and weaknesses of South Korea's president and ruling party. Significance President Moon Jae-in's approval rating was 79% as of June 14, a record for any South Korean president after a year in office. His left-of-centre ruling Democratic Party (DP) won an unprecedented landslide in nationwide local elections on June 13; it now runs 14 of the 17 provinces and major cities. The party also won eleven of twelve National Assembly by-elections, gaining eight. He now faces no electoral tests until the next parliamentary elections, due in April 2020. Impacts Political party regroupings are likely, with possible mergers consolidating both the left and right. The short-term prospects for inter-Korean engagement appear good. The main risks regarding North Korea are US President Donald Trump’s unpredictability and uncertainty over Pyongyang's ultimate aims.

Borderline citizens: women and the political process

2009 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kathryn Gleadle
Keyword(s):  
Political Process ◽  
The Political ◽  
Local Elections ◽  
Poor Law ◽  
Female Participation ◽  
Parliamentary Elections ◽  
The Poor

This chapter considers how, as ratepayers, householders, electors, parliamentary constituents, petitioners, welfare providers, and policy experts, women in Britain were commonly treated as political subjects. Women were ‘borderline citizens’ whose status hovered permanently in the interstices of the political nation: their involvement could be evoked and sanctioned as quickly as it could be dismissed and undermined. This chapter focuses on the structural qualities of the political process and the ways in which they variously facilitated or limited female participation. It was in the parish that women enjoyed the most expansive opportunities, yet parochial authority was increasingly eroded in this period thanks to reforms such as the Poor Law Amendment Act and the Municipal Corporations Act. This chapter also discusses the involvement of women in parliamentary elections, local elections, and petitioning.

scholarly journals Volodymyr Zelensky: ressources et limites de la popularité (étude de cas basée sur les élections présidentielles en Ukraine, 2019)

2021 ◽  
pp. 19-34
Author(s):  
Aurelia Peru-Balan ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Presidential Election ◽  
Political Leadership ◽  
Local Elections ◽  
Parliamentary Elections ◽  
New Model ◽  
Local Structures ◽  
The People ◽  
Etude De Cas ◽  
Étude De Cas ◽  
Main Factor

Ukraine’s presidential election has given the electorate a new model of political leadership. Some political scientists rushed to identify him as a newly elected president of Ukraine, Volodymyr Zelensky, as a model populist leader. ThTh e leader of the party created in the context of the presidential election, the „Servant of the People”, won over 73% of the vote. In January 2020, however, its rating dropped dramatically to over 21%. In this context, we set out to analyze the electoral and post-election rhetoric, the reasons for the depletion of popularity and trust in President Zelensky. The main factor did not allow President Zelensky to reiterate the performance of the 2019 presidential and parliamentary elections and in the 2020 local elections was the loss of popular sympathy, continued confrontations with opposition leaders, maintaining the tense situation in the Donbas region, the lack of effects of fighting initiatives. In the absence of local structures of the „Servant of the People”, the new charismatic government has not proved its effectiveness

LOCAL ELECTIONS IN 2020 IN UKRAINE. FROM THE END OF THE ELECTORAL CYCLE TO A NEW POLITICAL REALITY

2021 ◽  
pp. 66-81
Author(s):  
Aleksandr V. Gushchin ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Local Elections ◽  
New Wave ◽  
National Elections ◽  
Parliamentary Elections ◽  
The Public ◽  
Political Reality ◽  
Public Sentiment ◽  
Electoral Cycle ◽  
The People ◽  
Political Model

2019 became, according to many researchers, the year of the elec- toral revolution in Ukraine. The presidential and parliamentary elections in 2019 led to unexpected results – the victory of Vladimir Zelensky, the counter- system politician of the new wave, as well as the formation in the Verkhovna Rada of a mono-majority of members of the Servant of the People faction. However, in fact, the presidential and parliamentary elections were the first two rounds of the electoral cycle, which ended only in October 2020 with local elections, no less important for Ukraine than the national elections. Ukraine is in a state of transformation, in search of an adequate socio-political model. In this regard, the local elections that conclude the electoral cycle are an import- ant indicator of what processes are taking place in the Ukrainian society and establishment. Their progress and results indicate what changes are emerging in the Ukrainian elites today, what agenda is most relevant, what political forc- es can, based on the results of local elections, claim to increase their influence. The article analyzes those processes, draws conclusions regarding the trends in the public sentiment of citizens that emerged during the 2020 local elections and what impact the local elections will have on the development of the domes- tic political situation in Ukraine.

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