Between Regionalism and World Order: Five Structural Factors in China–Europe Relations to 2025

Author(s):  
DAVID KERR

This chapter examines five structural factors within which the EU–China relationship will operate in the next generation. These are: interdependence and competition in a globalizing world economy; the contrast between European structuralism and Asian organicism; the regionalization of Eurasian security; the contentious politics of Central Eurasia; and the structural contradiction between the US ‘global state’ and the European and Asian ‘region-states’. In putting forward these factors Kerr is echoing the arguments of several other contributors: interdependence and competition; structuralism and organicism; security inter-regionalization; and questions of triangularity. Thus, though open to diverse interpretation, these factors seem to constitute the beginning of an ‘agenda’ in the international politics of EU–China relations.

2004 ◽  
Vol 187 ◽  
pp. 8-35

The two key factors underlying our forecast this quarter are the continued depreciation of the US$, which is about 4½ per cent weaker in effective terms than in October and 18 per cent below its recent peak in early 2002, and the emergence of what appears to be a sustainable recovery in Japan. Our projections for world growth this year incorporate significant upward revisions for the world's two largest economies, the US and Japan, while the outlook for the EU and Canada remains largely unchanged, although they also gain modest support from stronger demand in the US and Asia.


2003 ◽  
Vol 183 ◽  
pp. 8-33

Risks of a US driven slowdown in world activity have receded in the past few months, as US consumer demand remains robust. However, a worsened outlook for Germany and Japan suggests that the recovery will be more gradual than previously anticipated, in part as a consequence of the strengthening of the euro and the yen against the dollar in recent months. We estimate that world growth recorded a modest improvement in 2002, rising to 2.7 per cent from 2.2 per cent in 2001. However, regional cyclical variation increased last year. While 2001 saw a sharp slowdown in growth across all the major regions of the world, with the world's three largest economies recording outright recessions, growth accelerated last year in the US, China and Dynamic Asia, but slowed further in the EU, Japan and South America.


2016 ◽  
pp. 153-174
Author(s):  
D. Lakishyk

It is argued that the US-European relations, regardless of the position of the US as a single global state, are based on the principles of interdependence. Conflicts that arise on specific issues are not of strategic and decisive character. They cannot provoke fundamental conflict, primarily because of similar values and targets in the conduct of foreign policy. Changing the status of the EU “traditional ally” into the status of “essential partner” is caused by the need to clearly define European interests in transatlantic cooperation. Relations between the EU and the US are based on protecting the interests and priorities of each party, in addition to the policy of compromise. Now the format of transatlantic cooperation is multilateral, negotiation basis of US foreign practices is combined with cooperation with the EU, confirming the practical transition of Washington to renovation of collective action. Filling the US-European relations with “global context” changes transatlantic partnership both in content and in form. The US and EU continue to be among the leaders in world politics that get additional opportunities for development and implementation of a common position on many global issues thanks to strategic partnership.


Author(s):  
L. L. Fituni

The article lays out a hypothesis that the global order slides into a new bipolarity in the context of the escalating geo-economic and geopolitical confrontation between the two poles that currently dominate the world - the United States and China. The neo-bipolar construction cannot yet be regarded as an established new world order, but the general movement of the world economy and international relations in this direction is obvious. The neo-bipolar bipolar confrontation manifest itself with varying intensity in different regions of the world. The author argues that at present the peripheral regions which are strategically important for the prospects of competition are becoming an important testing ground for relatively “safe” elaboration of methods and tactics of geo-economic rivalry and h mutual exchange of systemic attacks. Today, Africa has become practically the leading theater of the new bipolar confrontation. The article analyzes the economic, military and strategic aspects of the rivalry between the United States and China on the African continent. It provides a comparative analysis of the new African strategies of the two superpowers adopted at the end of 2018. The author asserts that in the context of the emerging global bipolarity, the strategies of the USA and China represent antagonistic programs based on fundamentally different initial messages. In the case of the US strategy, this is to deter by denial the spread of the competitor’s influence using tough policies, including forceful (while not necessarily military) confrontational actions. While China seeks to neutralize the opposition of the United States and its allies to Beijing’s expansion on the continent and to win the freedom of interaction with any partners in Africa causing minimal direct confrontation possible. Therefore, despite the seemingly “peripheral” importance of the confrontation on the continent, for the establishment of a neo-bipolar world order, the proclamation of the new US regional geopolitical strategy, which focuses on the containment of China in the name of protecting democracy and independence, can serve not only for Africa, but for the whole planet the same milestone signal as Churchill’s Fulton speech for the final advent of bipolarity in the postwar world.


2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (7) ◽  
pp. 117-121
Author(s):  
K. S. LEONOVA ◽  

The article is devoted to the study of key problems in the expansion and integration between the BRICS alliance members in a globalizing world. The relevance of the article is characterized by growing economic integration between the BRICS member countries in the modern world economy. Under the conditions of reconfiguration of the world order, scientific justifications have been developed, as a result of which the BRICS strategic association could take more advantageous positions in the global economy.


2020 ◽  
Vol 24 (2) ◽  
pp. 25-42
Author(s):  
Melania-Gabriela Ciot ◽  
Iulia-Anamaria Ghidiu

The International System is traversing a challenging stage in its evolution. The United States should carefully consider the risks of an idiosyncratic leadership and closely work with their European partners, securing a world order based on the norms of multilateralism and democracy. Still, the US President Donald Trump unveils an approach based on emotional and synchronous elements. As a matter of consequence, the EU is considering other geopolitical alternatives to accomplish its goals and deliver the best outcome to the people it serves and for global prosperity. The paper investigates the very specific psychological factors influencing Trumpian political thinking and justifying his corresponding foreign policy decisionmaking processes, in the current transatlantic environment. By contextual examples, the analysis reveals the sensitivities and flaws in applying a subjective, belief-based approach of international (bilateral) relations. We put things into a broader perspective, by analysing the implications of such political behaviour patterns for the international liberal order, in the circumstances of the more and more prominent geopolitical triangle: the EU–China–the US.


Author(s):  
Oleg Prikhodko

The European Union is an important player in the U.S. policies aimed at maintaining liberal world order. The US-EU interaction has been shaped by a number of key variables, including international environment, specific goals of the U.S. administrations, institutional maturing of the EU, and a complex interplay of American and European diverging and overlapping interests. President D. Trump’s tenure was the most strained period in the US-EU relations, with an erosion of mutual trust and a ghost of trade war looming large. The Biden administration has reversed the U.S. policy towards the European Union. The US-EU summit held last June signified a return of normality in the relations of the transatlantic partners. Washington and Brussels outlined a broad agenda that embraces security, trade and economic issues, coordination in international affairs (concerning, in particular, Russia, China, and Iran), cooperation in decarbonizing of the world economy and promotion of a climate-friendly environment. A broad web of links between the United States and Europe facilitates their joining efforts in addressing global and regional challenges. Although, the US and the EU reached a series of compromises to mitigate their most acrimonious disagreements (Boeing–Airbus subsidies dispute is a vivid example in this regard), there are still unsettled major issues like a comprehensive free trade treaty unsuccessfully negotiated since the Obama presidency. The “Chinese factor” may turn out to be the most divisive one in the transatlantic relations, since the U.S. tough policy towards Beijing makes the EU countries to take hard decisions they prefer to avoid. While it is premature to predict precise implications of the Biden administration’s policy, one can reasonably expect the EU to become a more helpful partner to Washington in diplomatic and economic affairs.


2007 ◽  
Vol 201 ◽  
pp. 8-14

In 2006, global output, measured in terms of purchasing power parities, expanded by 5.4 per cent, the fastest rate of growth since 1973. Despite a higher oil price and the recent rise in global long-term interest rates, we expect world growth to remain above 5 per cent this year, with a slowdown in the US offset by the rapidly expanding China and stable growth in the EU and Japan. In this issue we explore the widening divergence between the return on investment and real interest rates in the major economies. This suggests that despite the recent rise in long real rates it remains profitable for firms to invest in many countries.


2017 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 13-20
Author(s):  
Aliaksei Igor Patonia

Posing arguments against statistical evidence picturing the European Union as the key world economy, the research views the economic model of the EU through the prism of Hofstede’s cultural dimensions, explaining its lower resistance towards the global economic crisis and comparing it to China – a country with authoritarian governmental methods – that suffered to a significantly lesser extent. Based on the example of these two entities, the paper views the topic of the current refugee crisis in Europe representing it as a new crucial trial for the EU that potentially checks classical economic theory for consistency. According to the author, if found effective, in the foreseeable future it will form a sound basis for further development, if not – it will likely be replaced by the Keynesian paradigm. Thus, with the current refugee crisis in Europe, the author juxtaposes liberal economy with the state-regulated one. This is done to give hints at the importance of the crisis per se, as it is believed to be capable of shattering some of the fundamental principles of the current world order.


Author(s):  
Asifa Jahangir ◽  
Furqan Khan

The Indo-US strategic bonding is shifting the security dynamics of the South Asian balance-of-power in Indian favour. From the signing of 123 US-India Nuclear Deal to the facilitation in becoming a member of the Missile Technology Control Regime (MTCR), the US has clearly designated India as an instrumental element in the American grand strategy of devising a ‘new world order’. As a result, India has grabbed the opportunity of alleviating its status as a credible regional and global power. In this regard, the US tilt towards India is significantly paving grounds for a strategic imbalance in the South Asian region, thus creating challenges for Pakistan. Therefore, this paper argues that the growing bonhomie between the US and India is a destabilizing factor in the region which reinforces Pakistan’s fast falling into the Chinese orbit; thereby cementing the old friendship into a new strategic partnership. This dynamic certainly gives China and Pakistan an incentive to work together so as to keep the value of Pakistan’s nuclear deterrence alive. In an effort to expand the horizon on the subject, the paper is dedicated to critically examine the existing cooperation between India and the US while equally foreseeing the possible implications for the region in the face of such destabilizing cooperation. More importantly, based on qualitative data, this paper explores how Indo-US strategic partnership is directly impacting Pakistan and its strategic partnership with China; thereby explaining how the growing relationship between the US and India has undermined the traditional balance-of-power in the South Asian region?


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