scholarly journals Folk culture as a foundation for preservation and development of the state

Author(s):  
Elena Mitiay

The subject of this research is the cultivation in younger generation of respect to folk culture as a foundation of uniqueness and self-identification of the people. An intrinsic element of folk culture, along with the folksong and folkdance, is the memory of historical events as the basis for the development of folklore. Having analyzed the events of the late XX – early XXI centuries, the conclusion is made on inadmissibility of nullification of panhuman values and separate acts as crimes against humanity. Thus, it is suggested to view the culture of preservation of historical memory as an essential element in cultivation of folk culture. The author establishes correlation between the development of cultural diversity of ethnoses, peoples, nationalities and nations populating the Russian Federation and the formation of the unified national idea of the state. The result of analysis of the events related to violation of the provisions of the Nuremberg Tribunal Verdict on recognition of Nazi collaborators as freedom fighters in separate European states, led to realization of the need to cultivate the culture of preservation of historical memory and refrain the younger generation from overrating the outcome of World War II. Emphasis is made on the need to develop culture of working with the archival data as the foundation for preservation of historical memory of the population of modern Russia.

2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 19-35
Author(s):  
Galina S. Shirokalova

The article analyzes the results of a sociological study of the historical memory of students about the World War II in general (and the Great Patriotic War in particular), conducted by the Russian Society of Sociologists in 2020, as well as materials from surveys of other research teams. The author comes to the conclusion that historical memory is formed, first of all, by the information field, set by state institutions or encouraged by them (school, mass media, network resources). Contradictory assessment of the events of the twentieth century led to the rupture of the historical memory of generations and the formation of a large group of people ready to accept the revision of the geopolitical results of the war from the standpoint of history falsifiers. The attitude of young people to the past, without taking into account the cause-and-effect liaison of the events of that time, is explained not only by the extinction of communicative memory for the departure of war generations, the desacralization of their life, deed, death. The range of factors is much wider. Since there is no integral picture of the history of the USSR, there is no value core for assessing events of the Great Patriotic War either. In the absence of historical hygiene in the Russian Federation, the entire Soviet period turns into historical antiques for new generations. They treat this in different ways: with reverence, condescension, aggressiveness, indifference, but it is excessive for the daily life of the majority. The slogan “If required, we repeat / can repeat”, replicated on May 9, is nothing more than a short-term emotional reaction, including to PR management, but not the readiness / mindset / promise of action in a real war. The opposition of the state to the country, that is reflected in the popular among young people song of the group Lumen, actually testifies to alienation from both the state and the country, since there is no one without the other. Questions are inevitable: how adequate are the methodologies and techniques based on which social scientists choose the range of factors that form the portrait of modern youth and predict the direction of further socialization of its individual groups? How many meaningful collaborators should there be to lose / win a civilizational battle in which historical memory is only one of the components? According to the author, the conditions and opportunities for the realization of the desired worldview values ​​in modern Russia adjust the attitude to the present and the life strategies of young people to a greater extent than historical memory.


2018 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 85-86
Author(s):  
Arvydas Pocius

The 16 February is the most significant date in Lithuania’s history. In 1918, an independent democratically-run modern civic state was established, together with the restoration of the statehood tradition cherished in the ancient Lithuania (1253-1795). On 16 February 2018, we celebrated the birth of a modern Lithuania. This date is like a bridge between the old Lithuania born on 6 July 1253 and the new independent Lithuania restored on 11 March 1990. Had it not been for the 16 February, there would have been no events of 11 of March, nor the subsequent success story. In the lead-up to the Centennial of the Restoration of the State (hereinafter – the Centennial), the past is seen not only as a reason to celebrate the important anniversary but also as an inspiration to reflect the historical significance of the past for today and the relevance of the issues of today for the past, i.e. the centennial achievements of the state and its people, and our ambitions for the next centennial which is fast approaching. The Centennial of the new Lithuania is a success story. The main achievements are as follows: Lithuania has become a player of the European and world history, with its modern civil society aware of the importance of freedom and the responsibility that goes with it, and with new emerging vistas for action for the Lithuanian state and its people. Building of the modern Lithuanian state in 1918 was based on the principles of the equality of all, as well as the freedom and prosperity, and this is why all freedom loving people of the country and Lithuanians living abroad, for the first time in the history of Lithuania, became the creators of their state, and later on, during the years of the occupation – the guardians of its tradition. The heroes of the restored Lithuania are thousands of those of different nationalities, religions and social groups having built and safeguarded the tradition of the Lithuanian statehood and national identity. They include volunteers, farmers, teachers, architects and engineers, athletes, aviators, clergy of various denominations, Righteous among the Nations, freedom fighters, dissidents that challenged the Soviet regime, people that created the liberation movement Sąjūdis, and the Lithuanians living abroad that preserved the idea of statehood and fostered the Lithuanian traditions. The hero of today is each individual living in Lithuania and each Lithuanian living abroad, who actively contributes to the building of Lithuania of the twenty-first century and knows that his daily efforts have an impact not only on the present but also on the future of the history of the Lithuanian state and the nation. Apart from the most important symbol of the Centennial, the national flag, we have our state symbol Vytis, bridging the two Lithuanias – the old and the new. The Centennial has revealed our capacity to draw the best from the depths of the past for the needs of the present; we are always ready to give our responsible and often times hard efforts for the bettering of our state and the people; we stand for our freedom, when this fundamental value is threatened; we have the vigour to build not only our own but also the European and world history. These things serve as the basis for us being proud of the achievements of the restored Lithuania, while inspiring us to work for the present and be hopeful about the future.


Author(s):  
Anthony Shay

Unlike many European nations, Croatia has historically used folk dance as a form of representation, according to dance historian and ethnographer Stjepan Sremac. Following World War II, the Yugoslav State established several professional ensembles, among which was Lado, the Ensemble of Folk Dances and Songs of Croatia, under the direction of Zvonko Ljevakovic. Unlike Igor Moiseyev, and in direct opposition to the Moiseyev aesthetic, Ljevakovic employed many authentic details of dance movements, costume, and vocal and instrumental music in his theatricalized folk dance choreographies. Many of the people in Eastern Europe, in which nearly every nation had a professional folk dance ensemble, have turned away from the state-sponsored companies in favor of newer forms of cultural expression, however Lado’s popularity, due to performance strategies created by the new artistic director, Ivan Ivancan, Jr, has greatly increased.


2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (3) ◽  
pp. 61-70
Author(s):  
Marina F. Titorenko ◽  

The author examines the reasons for the aggression of the Germans during the Great Patriotic War, analyzes the materials of the State Archive of the Krasnodar Territory, relating to the time of the occupation of the city of Krasnodar by Nazi Germany, cites the facts of torture and mockery of the residents of the city by the "masters of new life". The author also pays attention to the appearance of collaboration in the Cossack environment and reveals the reasons for this phenomenon, gives examples of the worthy contribution of the Kuban Cossack formations to the Great Victory, and considers it necessary to collect and preserve the truth about the war, to remember the indomitable spirit of the people, to form a sense of patriotism among young people, to preserve historical memory and historical consciousness.


Author(s):  
M.A. Shirokova

The author addresses the problems of the correlation between the national and the global (universal) in the cultural identity of Russia, as well as the interaction of tradition and modernization in the development of all spheres of Russian society. The article presents the position of the founders of the ideology of Slavophilism — A.S. Khomyakov, I.V. Kireevsky and J. F. Samarin. In the conditions of Russian autocracy in the middle of the 19th century Slavophiles demonstrated double civil courage, opposing their point of view to the state conservatism and state modernization. The attitude of Slavophile thinkers to the reforms of Peter the Great as a turning point in the history of Russian society and state, as well as in the formation of national selfconsciousness is shown. There were disagreements between Slavophiles in assessing the state of pre-Petrine Russia. However, the most important negative consequence of Peter's reforms and uncritical borrowing of the Western enlightenment was seen by all Slavophile authors as a split in Russia's cultural identity: the separation of educated society from the people and separation of the state from society. The Slavophiles associated the bridging of this gap with two factors. Firstly, with a revival of the Russian Enlightenment based on a synthesis of the national spiritual tradition and the universal achievements of Western civilization. Secondly, with the implementation of social and political reforms “from above”, first of all — with the abolition of serfdom.


2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (01) ◽  
pp. 19
Author(s):  
Rudi Santoso ◽  
Agus Hermanto

The many threats of radicalization in the middle of society, the demonstration actions that often ask for the application of certain ideologies within the state of Indonesia, the conflict between ethnic, religious, racial and custom makes the tranquility of Bhinneka Tunggal Ika society to be threatened and the erosion of values Pancasila among the younger generation that endanger the survival of the Indonesian nation.The problem of this research is how the Political Law of the State in the concept and context of Pancasila and Diversity in defending the Unitary State of the Republic of Indonesia and How the Strength of the Unitary State of the Republic of Indonesia Based on Pancasila and Unity in Diversity and How Radicalism and Threat Against the Unity of the Unitary Republic State Indonesia.This research uses normative juridical approach method, then data collection procedure is done by literature study, data processing procedure is done by data classification, data inventory, systematization of data, and data analysis is done by qualitative method.The result of the research, the politics of constitutional law in the concept and context of Pancasila and Diversity in defending the Unitary State of the Republic of Indonesia in accordance with the nationalist ideology set forth in the 1945 Constitution, the power of the Unitary State of the Republic of Indonesia based on Pancasila and Diversity is based on the strength of local wisdom from all elements of the nation Indonesia, radicalism and threats to the unity of the Unitary State of the Republic of Indonesia through the strengthening of national insight among the younger generation and the people and leaders of the nation and state apparatus.Suggestion in this research, expected to government can reinforce study of nationality and education of Pancasila and Diversity, to Indonesian society.


Author(s):  
Maryna A. Laurynovich

The article examines the directions of the state politics of memory in the Czech Republic regarding the problem of recognising and understanding the violence by the Czechs against the German population in 1945 and the subsequent CzechGerman reconciliation, which became an important factor of the peaceful and productive interaction of the Czech Republic and Germany in the united Europe. The adoption of a new perspective of historical memory at the stage of post-socialist transformation was primarily due to the initiatives of Czech historians and activists to study the problem of violence at the final stage of World War II on the Czech lands and the subsequent expulsion of Germans. This approach in turn was reflected in the official position of the presidents of the Czech Republic V. Havel and V. Klaus during the signing of the CzechGerman agreements and declarations, which made it possible to eliminate conflicts of perception of a common traumatic past among the current generations of Czechs and Germans. The memory of the violence against German-speaking citizens of Czechoslovakia is broadcast both through the formation of memory objects (monuments, feature films) and within the framework of local public initiatives. The review of the initiatives to perpetuate the victims of the Brno death march, undertaken in the concluding part of the article, reveals the contradictory nature of reconciliation in relation to the memory of post-war violence in contemporary Czech society.


2021 ◽  
pp. 66-78
Author(s):  
P. Kravchenko ◽  
M. Kostenko

The problem of the values of Ukrainian society is one of the most important and debatable problems in modern scientific discourse. This is due to the transition of our state from the traditional model of the state, in which there is authoritarianism, secrecy, to a socially oriented society and a democratic, open state.Accordingly, there is a change in values, which is an integral part of the existence of any society and state. To replace the Soviet system of declaration of surrogatecollective, paternalistic values, which existed for several decades, a new system is formed, which provides a clear orientation of Ukrainians to European values, the significant achievements of the Ukrainian people, the moral recovery of society, increasing values and culture of civil society. Honor and dignity of Ukrainians, which is an indispensable basis for the development of moral culture of society.The purpose and objectives of the article. Based on the achievements of modern science and philosophy, to analyze the essence of the moral culture of the people, the place of human dignity and its importance in moral culture; to characterize and classify the main factors of dignity formation in the moral culture of the people. The research methodology is complex and is based on philosophical-anthropological and philosophical-cultural analysis of the problems of formation of moral culture of the Ukrainian people and its structural element - human dignity. Research results.The most important, synthetic, integral consequence of human development is moral culture. Moral culture is the level of assimilation by an individual or a group of people of existing moral values in society, the degree of their involvement in the moral aspects of activity, a measure of personal moral development. Practical and spiritual factors include, first of all, ethnic stereotypes specific to a certain people (traditions, customs, rituals, typical traits of character and behavior, dominant emotions, folk crafts, entertainment, games), as well as historical memory, established symbols, folk shrines. Historical memory, preserving every page of life, the people’s struggle for social, political and national rights at all stages of its development, serves as a solid foundation on which national self-consciousness is successfully formed.Institutional factors are important for the formation of dignity in the moral culture of the people. These include nation- and state-building activities of public authorities, national elite, political parties, religious and public organizations. If the state creates conditions in society for the assimilation of the historical and cultural experience accumulated by the nation, it contributes to the education of national self-esteem, ie awareness of community members of their belonging to the nation, their duty to the community of like-minded people. Conclusions. Summarizing the results of the study, we can formulate the following conclusions. Human dignity in the moral culture of the Ukrainian people is the result of the interaction of a combination of many factors that determine its structure and content. The process of its formation is quite long, complex and contradictory. This is due to the fact that it is human dignity that provides the spiritual, ideological foundation for the functioning of national communities, contributing to the development of promising guidelines for the development of the nation and the state.


2016 ◽  
Vol 10 (3) ◽  
pp. 352-366 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bruce Baugh

In Bergsonism, Deleuze refers to Bergson's concept of an ‘open society’, which would be a ‘society of creators’ who gain access to the ‘open creative totality’ through acting and creating. Deleuze and Guattari's political philosophy is oriented toward the goal of such an open society. This would be a democracy, but not in the sense of the rule of the actually existing people, but the rule of ‘the people to come,’ for in the actually existing situation, such a people is ‘lacking’. When the people becomes a society of creators, the result is a society open to the future, creativity and the new. Their openness and creative freedom is the polar opposite of the conformism and ‘herd mentality’ condemned by Deleuze and Nietzsche, a mentality which is the basis of all narrow nationalisms (of ethnicity, race, religion and creed). It is the freedom of creating and commanding, not the Kantian freedom to obey Reason and the State. This paper uses Bergson's The Two Sources of Morality and Religion, and Deleuze and Guattari's Kafka: For a Minor Literature, A Thousand Plateaus and What is Philosophy? to sketch Deleuze and Guattari's conception of the open society and of a democracy that remains ‘to come’.


2018 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 101-115
Author(s):  
Munawir Munawir

Non-Muslim leadership becomes a problematic issue in the context of inter-religious relations in Indonesia, especially for Muslims in conducting religious-social-political relations with non- Muslims. The problematic position of this non-Muslim leadership issue is the state constitution allows but the religious constitution (based on the textuality of the Qur'an) forbids. How does M. Quraish Shihab respond as well as answer the problematic of the people in the case? It is this core issue that will be tested by the answer through this research. Using the descriptive-inferential method and the philosophical-historical approach (philosophical and historical approach), the conclusion that M. Quraish Shihab in interpreting the verses (ban) of non-Muslim leadership (Surat al-Maidah: 51, QS Ali 'Imran: 28, and QS al-Mumtahanah: 1) is contextual, or in other words, the verses are understood to be sociological and not theological. Therefore he allows non-Muslim leadership as long as the non-Muslims are not of a hostile group of Islam, even he does not allow the leadership of a Muslim if a Muslim is actually injurious Islam and harms the interests of Muslims.


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