Introduction

Author(s):  
Andrew C. Gilbert

This introductory chapter provides an overview of international intervention in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Years of international intervention had significantly shaped postwar politics in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Comprising an uneasy encounter between and among the political classes claiming to represent one of Bosnia's three main ethnic groups (Croats, Serbs, and Bosniaks) and a wide array of foreign agencies like the one headed by Austrian diplomat Wolfgang Petritsch, these interventions ranged from indirect relations of supervision to the direct participation of foreign agents in Bosnian government. This book studies international intervention and the problems of legitimacy that emerge in and through what can be called “intervention encounters.” It analyzes international intervention as a series of encounters to reveal the creative processes of cultural production and social transformation that happen in everyday interactions by members of unequally positioned groups.

2009 ◽  
Vol 24 (62) ◽  
Author(s):  
Nathalie Khankan

Nathalie Khankan: “Sails in the Soil”In standard accounts of Palestinian literature, literary expression invariably figures as national allegory, rarely explaining meaning as it is created in the text. This article problematizes the categories used by historiographers to describe Palestinian literature. It does so through the site of the so-called New 1990s Poets, whose texts upset monolithic literary narratives. At the same time these poems also help us better understand the endurance of that overriding tension in Palestinian cultural production between the political and collective pressures of the text on the one hand and more personal, subjective figurations on the other.


Author(s):  
David Henig

This introductory chapter provides an overview of the book’s focus. This book explores what it means to live a Muslim life amid the political ruptures, economic deprivation, and transformation of religious institutions in postsocialist and postwar Bosnia-Herzegovina. It focuses on how various postsocialist and postwar materialities and fabrics of social life are understood and infused with Islam, and vice versa. It does so in three ways. First, it challenges the reductive analyses of Islam and Muslim lives in postsocialist, postwar Bosnia and Herzegovina as being solely matter of ethnonational struggles and politics. Instead, the introduction develops the interlocked conceptual frames of “everyday historical work” and “vital exchange” to ethnographically elucidate how living a Muslim life in rural Bosnia and Herzegovina is ordered and inscribed by deep relations of obligation and care with the living, the dead, and the divine over a long period of time that spans generations. Finally, it provides an overview of the author's fieldwork as well as of the chapters that follow.


2017 ◽  
Vol 59 (2) ◽  
pp. 415-445 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andrew Gilbert

AbstractThis article explores the ambivalent forms of authority and legitimacy articulated by the Office of the High Representative of the international community in postwar Bosnia and Herzegovina. The High Representative exercised quasi-sovereign powers that placed his position at the center of two contradictions: a democratization paradox of “imposing democracy,” that is, promoting democracy through undemocratic means, and a state-building paradox of building an independent state by violating the principle of popular sovereignty. I analyze the Office's use of mass-mediated publicity to show how the High Representative sought to legitimize his actions in ways that both sustained the norms of democracy and statehood he advocated and suspended the contradictions behind how he promoted them. In doing so, he claimed that Bosnia was caught in a temporary state of exception to the normal nation-state order of things. This claim obliged him to show that he was working to end the state of exception. By focusing on one failed attempt by the OHR to orchestrate an enactment of “local ownership” that was aimed at demonstrating that Bosnia no longer required foreign supervision, this article identifies important limits to internationally instigated political transformation. It offers a view of international intervention that is more volatile, open-ended, and unpredictable than either the ordered representations of the technocratic vision or the confident assertions that critique international intervention as a form of (neo)imperial domination. It also demonstrates the analytic importance of publicity for the comparative study of international nation-building and democratization in the post-Cold War era.


2015 ◽  
Vol 23 (2) ◽  
pp. 17-48 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tomáš Dopita

The most serious problems in Bosnia and Herzegovina today are linked to the political practices of conflicting visions of nationhood and statehood. The international intervention in the country was expected to create self-sustaining political institutions and then withdraw. However, the fact that the intervention is ongoing shows its failure to do so. Many scholars have engaged this issue, but this article shows that some of the analyses that have been most critical of the international intervention also bring problems of their own. The article focuses on the encounters between collective Subjects and the ways they have been constituted in relation to one another. It warns that without carefully identifying these Subjects we risk serious misinterpretations, such as equating Bosnian Muslims, Bosniaks, and Bosnians. This misinterpretation occurs in two major critical works in IR's ‘poststructuralist canon’ that purport to critically engage the situation and, particularly, the international intervention in Bosnia and Herzegovina – David Campbell's National Deconstruction and Lene Hansen's Security as Practice. Campbell and Hansen rightly criticize the International Community's ethno-cultural essentialism, but in their critique they apply Campbell's radical-idealist version of multiculturalism. Based upon the ideal of a community without essence and the principle of affirming cultural diversity without situating it, this approach is not able to identify the Subjects involved or the unwelcome radicalization of the excluded Subjects, which leads to flawed conclusions as to how to sustainably resolve their conflict. In providing an academic corrective to such a hyper-liberal bias, this article seeks to increase the room-for-manoeuvre of those who seek to create self-sustaining political institutions in Bosnia and Herzegovina.


Artnodes ◽  
2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Paloma González Díaz

During the last year, science and technology have been playing an indispensable role in a difficult and complex context. All areas of our lives have been forced to adapt to digital processes at an accelerated pace. Faced with an obvious economic and social transformation, we want to consider the state of culture and creation, one of the sectors hardest hit by the crisis. Specifically, we are interested in focusing on the particular situation of digital creation, devastated especially by the lack of protection and funding, by the closure of galleries and specialised spaces. It is not a question of starting from scratch. Future possibilities must be presented as opportunities. First, by analysing what has been learned, experienced and discussed so far before and during the pandemic. From there, we must identify, on the one hand, the direct consequences of the pandemic, and on the other, the problems arising from the acceleration of the digital transformation. Especially in those aspects that allow us to relaunch and promote new lines of work, heterogeneous initiatives, or new methodologies while always bearing in mind that this knowledge and experience has to settle and survive under the rules of the digital economy. Both the creation and consumption of content requires new digital, communication, entrepreneurial and commercial skills. Let us look for new perspectives, let us face the transversality that the hybridisation between art, science and technology can offer. Let us analyse and share with all those involved in all the creative processes and avoid going back into a loop. We are facing a complicated and risky, but exciting project. It is more necessary than ever to learn from mistakes, and to extract the value of certain experiences related to digital art. And, above all, let us not forget two of the most important components: to value the creators, to recover the public, and to attract those who have never felt attracted by these types of artistic practices. Let us look for and share the way to encourage and promote new contents and scenarios.


Author(s):  
Andrew C. Gilbert

This chapter describes how ideas about ethnic identity functioned as an important heuristic, helping foreigners to navigate a social and political field most knew nothing about. Such ideas also served to legitimize a role for the international community in postwar Bosnia and Herzegovina as a civilizing missionary and as a neutral mediator between antagonistic ethnic groups. The chapter shows how they were socialized into the performative requirements of fulfilling those roles, particularly the requirement that they be neutral. It then analyzes the creative ways returnees sought to engage foreign officials, and how foreigners responded to those attempts while navigating a tension created by fulfilling two roles. The chapter demonstrates how everyday intervention encounters in the context of refugee return reproduced the political and social salience of ethnicity and ethnic difference, and also how foreign officials were able to disavow any part in this process.


Author(s):  
Deborah Kamen

This introductory chapter sets out the book's purpose, namely to provide a thick description of Athenian status, ultimately broaching larger questions about the relationship between Athenian citizenship and civic ideology. “Civic ideology” here refers to the conception that all Athenian citizens—and only Athenian citizens—were autochthonous (that is, descended from ancestors “born from the earth” of Attica) and engaged in the political and military life of the city. This survey of statuses will demonstrate, among other things, that Athenian democracy was both more closed and more open than civic ideology might lead us to think: on the one hand, only some citizen males exercised full citizen rights; on the other, even noncitizens and naturalized citizens were, to varying degrees, partial shareholders in the Athenian polis.


2021 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Amer Dzihana ◽  

This paper examines the links between the media and the political system in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Hallin and Mancini's approach to the analysis of media and political systems is briefly presented, which examines in detail the connections between the media and politics. Then, the peculiarities of the development of the media system in BiH are presented. The central thesis is that the political instrumentalization of the media has a long tradition in BiH and that, despite comprehensive international intervention in the media sector, it has remained an important tool for shaping the media system and further deepens its polarization. Consequently, the gap between the established normative framework and the way the media system functions is widening every day.


2013 ◽  
Vol 1 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 93-103

In the first decade following the annexation of Bessarabia, the Russian authorities simoultaneously pursued two different approaches without fully realizing their contradictions. On the one hand, they sought to win support of the Bessarabian nobility by recognizing their land titles in the former Hotin reaya and proclaiming local autonomy based on the law of the land. On the other hand, they sought to colonize the underpopulated lands of Southern Bessarabia by inviting transdanubian Bulgarians and other ethnic groups. Although both approaches envisioned the transformation of the new province into a new homeland for the co-religionist Balkan peoples, their combination provoked social tensions between the the Bessarabian landowners and the colonists. The paper argues that the prolonged conflict between the two groups ultimately illustrates the uncertainty of Bessarabia’s status in the political geography of the Russian empire during the first decades after 1812.


2018 ◽  
pp. 126-146
Author(s):  
Roza Ismagilova

The article pioneers the analyses of the results of ethnic federalism introduced in Ethiopia in 1991 – and its influence on Afar. Ethnicity was proclaimed the fundamental principle of the state structure. The idea of ethnicity has become the basis of official ideology. The ethnic groups and ethnic identity have acquired fundamentally importance on the political and social levels . The country has been divided into nine ethnically-based regions. The article exposes the complex ethno-political and economic situation in the Afar State, roots and causes of inter- and intra-ethnic relations and conflicts with Amhara, Oromo, Tigray and Somali-Issa, competition of ethnic elites for power and recourses. Alive is the idea of “The Greater Afar”which would unite all Afar of the Horn of Africa. The protests in Oromia and Amhara Regions in 2015–2017 influenced the Afar state as welll. The situation in Ethiopia nowadays is extremely tense. Ethiopia is plunging into serious political crisis. Some observers call it “the beginning of Ethiopian spring”, the others – “Color revolution”


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