The Xinhai Revolution in China on the Pages of the Samara Periodic Press

Author(s):  
Alexey N. Rukhlin ◽  
Oksana A. Rukhlina

Introduction. This article describes the Xinhai Revolution in China. The authors, with the help of the Samara periodicals, highlighted the beginning, course and completion of the revolution, the activities of Sun Yatsen and Yuan Shikai, as well as the social aspects of this period. October 10, 2021, the legitimate successors of the Xinhai Revolution of the PRC and the Republic of China in Taiwan celebrate 110 years. The significance of the presented material is undoubted, since it is based on real historical sources – periodicals of 1911–1912. The purpose of the article is to determine the historical place of the Xinhai Revolution and its importance for the further history of China on the basis of newspaper materials. Materials and Methods. The most important in the study, based on the provisions formulated by the above authors, is the historical method, or, as it is also formulated, the principle of historicism. In carrying out this scientific research, the author relied primarily on special historical or general historical methods. Research Results. The study showed that starting with the Wuchansk uprising on October 10, 1911, metropolitan and provincial newspapers actively followed and published materials about the revolution. The outbreak of riots and uprisings in the provinces were reflected in detail by journalists and editors of Samara newspapers. The left-wing liberal party press, in contrast to the semi-official press, perceived the revolutionary movement of the popular masses in China positively. Discussion and Conclusion. Any revolution is always a large and controversial topic for scientific discussion. The Xinhai Revolution did not lead to the expected results, both among the people and among the bourgeoisie, the intelligentsia and the upper class. It was followed by further turmoil, which led first to the government of the Kuomintang, and then the Communists. It can be concluded that the theme of the Chinese Revolution of 1911–1912 is still relevant. The proposed provisions and conclusions create the prerequisites for further study of this problem.

1920 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 34-52 ◽  
Author(s):  
Walter James Shepard

To understand the real nature of the government which now, under its new constitution, is attempting to guide the German nation through the perils of reconstruction is indeed a baffling problem. We are as yet too close to the events which brought it into existence and clothed it with constitutional forms to attempt their evaluation or to determine their significance. The revolution was so unlike what we should have expected as necessary to shift the ultimate power in the state from a narrow military and landed oligarchy to the masses of the people, that a doubt forces itself upon us as to its genuineness. The war, with its shattering of national ideals, its appalling toll of life, the grinding misery which it imposed, and the insuperable financial bondage to which it condemned the nation for an indefinite future, might account for a thorough popular disillusionment which would sweep the nation into the current of democracy. But if this were the case, we would expect a general enthusiasm for the new government, an evident popular sense of the passing of the dark night of autocratic rule and a joy in the light of a new and happier day.This is exactly what does not exist. There are three classes in Germany today. The first, who constitute only a small minority, are the nationalists and militarists who are bitterly opposed to the republic, and even now are agitating at every favorable opportunity for the restoration of the monarchy in its old form. The second class are likewise a comparatively small minority. They are the revolutionaries, the Spartacists with some of the Independent Socialists, who are just as strongly opposed to the government, using wherever possible the instruments of direct action to inaugurate the revolution which they believe has not yet been achieved. The vast mass of the nation appear to be utterly indifferent with respect to forms of government.


2014 ◽  
Vol 6 (3) ◽  
pp. 502
Author(s):  
Tia Dwi Nurcahya

AbstrakPenelitian ini menggambarkan gerakan protes yang dilakukan Haji Sarip terhadap Pemerintah Republik Indonesia tahun 1947 di Kabupaten Majalengka. Untuk merekontruksi permasalahan ini digunakan metode sejarah yang terdiri dari empat langkah penelitian, yaitu heuristik, kritik, interpretasi, dan historiografi. Sedangkan teknik yang digunakan dalam pengumpulan data digunakan studi literatur dan wawancara, yaitu mengkaji sumber-sumber literatur yang berkaitan dengan permasalahan yang sedang dikaji dan mewawancarai saksi sejarah atau pelaku sejarah sebagai narasumbernya. Tujuan penelitian ini adalah mengungkap gerakan protes yang dilakukan Haji Sarip di Kabupaten Majalengka tahun 1947. Berdasarkan hasil penelitian didapat beberapa simpulan: pertama, Haji Sarip melakukan gerakan protes terhadap Pemerintah RI dan desa karena kebijakan yang diambil pemerintah RI, yaitu kebijakannya India Rice (penjualan beras ke India dengan harga murah); kedua, Haji Sarip menganggap Pemerintah RI 1947 sudah gagal dan menyiakan-nyiakan hidup masyarakatnya sendiri, sehingga Haji Sarip akan mengubah tatanan pemerintahan dan menggantikannya dengan pemerintahan baru, yang berlandaskan sama rata sama rasa, sama warna, sama bangsa, dan benderanya putih hitam; ketiga, setelah Haji Sarip melakukan perlawanan terhadap pemerintah dengan cara melakukan provokasi terhadap masyarakat Kabupaten Majalengka, masyarakat dan pemerintah tidak tinggal diam, melainkan masyarakat bersikap antipati terhadap Haji Sarip dan Pemerintah RI menindak Haji Sarip dengan tuduhan membangkang pemerintah, meresahkan masyarakat, menghina tentara dan menjalankan penipuan. AbstractThis study describes the movement of Haji Sarip protest against the Government of the Republic of Indonesia in 1947 at Majalengka. This research used historical method which consists of four steps of research: heuristics, criticism, interpretation, and historiography. The techniques used in data collection trough literature review and interviews, including reviewing the sources of literature relating to the issues being studied and interviewed witnesses or perpetrators of history. The purpose of this study is to reveal the protest movement Haji Sarip in Majalengka 1947. Based on the results obtained some conclusions: first, Haji Sarip protest movement against the Government and the village because of measures taken by the government of Indonesia, the Indian policy of Rice (rice sales to India with cheap price); second, Haji Sarip assume GOI 1947 has failed and wasted waste life of his own people, so that Hajj Sarip will change the system of government and replace it with a new government, which is based equally the same taste, same color, same nation, black and white flag; Third, after Haji Sarip resistance to the government by way of provocation against Majalengka community, society and the government is not standing still, but the people being antipathy towards Haji Sarip and the government crack down on charges Haji Sarip government's defiant, disturbing the public, insulting the army and run fraud.


2017 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 52
Author(s):  
Alfi Hafidh Ishaqro ◽  
Alamsyah Alamsyah ◽  
Dewi Yuliati

Through historical method, this article studies the Shifts in Political Ideological Orientation of Masyumi Party during the Liberal Democracy Era 1950–1959. The shifted orientations of Masyumi Party included a shif of orientation in its principle, form of government and the government executive system.The establishment of Masyumi Party was the apex of the Japanese concern in trying to map the axis of the powers of various groups in Indonesia. The formations of PUTERA, which bore the nationalist inclination and MIAI, which tended to accommodate urban Muslims were not attractive enough to win the hearts and empathy from the Indonesian native communities for its occupation in Indonesia. Masyumi Party made Islam as a its struggling principle, not only as a symbol  but also tha ideology and spirits in conducting the various siyasah preaches within the scope of political struggles. Numerous internal dynamics were then occuring in the body Masymi Party. The Party’s change in its orientation began to be visible, indicated by the idea suggested by M. Natsir to formulate the Constitution or Law of General Election.The formation of the General Election Law made M. Natsir and Masyumi the symbol of the establishment and growth of democracy in the Republic of Indonesia, which became more evident when M. Natsir was ousted and the subsequent working cabinet heads failed to hold a General Election. And finally, at the end of 1955 under the leadership of Burhanuddin Harahap, who was himself a Masyumi figure, a general election was held for the first time. The political attitude shown by Masyumi indicated that Masumi Party had shifted its political orientation. Masyumi Party, which originally struggled to implement Islam by employing the Syura in forming a government was helplessly compromising its principle by following and combining itself into a democracy model the initiator of which was the leader of Masyumi Party itself. Such political behavioral changes were associated with the reasoning of the then leaders of Masyumi Party, who tended to accommodative and excessively compromising. 


2013 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
pp. 88-107
Author(s):  
Linh Kieu Duong

For historians, the media is an important historical source. Con Dao is a special province of Vietnam. The paper presents an approach to Con Dao through historical sources of the Saigon press before 1975 to have a more comprehensive view. Through the content as the name implies, through natural, economic, social and cultural conditions, and potential development evaluation, the original intentions of the government of The Republic of Saigon on prison issues and on the terror cannot be changed. Through a number of important events such as the return of prisoners of war from Con Dao in 1973, etc. the author aims to add a view and wish to confirm the value of historical sources of media while approaching and presenting a problem of history, and so on.


2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-10
Author(s):  
Muhammad Candra Syahputra

Lampung indigenous people have valuable local wisdom that has the values of character education. The purpose of this research is to form a form of support to the government that continues to campaign for character education as an effort to restore the original character of the moral Indonesian nation and this study also aims to discover how the values of character education in the local wisdom of Lampung indigenous people namely Nengah Nyappur. This research uses descriptive-qualitative method to explore various data with library research. Nengah Nyappur as one of the elements of the philosophy of life of the people of Lampung has a character value in the form of tolerance, courtesy, and cooperation. These three character values are rooted in the daily lives of the indigenous people of Lampung. Referring to the presidential regulation of the Republic of Indonesia Number 87 of 2017 concerning Strengthening Character Education, Education Units and School/Madrasah Committees consider the adequacy of educators and education personnel, availability of facilities and infrastructure, local wisdom and opinions of community leaders and or religious leaders outside the School/Madrasah Committee. The third point about local wisdom feels the need for writers to review as one of the bases of character education, the writer offers local wisdom of Lampung. The findings of this study are that the values contained in Nengah Nyappur are still very relevant until now and can be applied in the family environment, community environment, and school environment.


2021 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Rasji Rasji

Village government is the lowest level of government in the Government of the Republic of Indonesia. Its existence is very strategic for the implementation of programs of the central government, local government, and the wishes of the village community, so that the village government can help create a balance between the goals desired by the state and those desired by the people, namely the welfare of the people. For this reason, the role of village government officials is important to achieve the success of implementing village government tasks. In fact, there are still many village government officials who have not been able to carry out their duties and authorities properly and correctly. How are efforts to strengthen the role of village government officials so that they are able to carry out their duties and authority properly and correctly? One effort that can be done is to provide technical guidance to village government officials regarding village governance, the duties and authorities of village government officials, as well as the preparation of village regulations. Through this activity, it is hoped that the role of the village government apparatus in carrying out their duties and authorities will be strong, so that their duties and authorities can be carried out properly and correctlyABSTRAK;Pemerintahan desa adalah tingkat pemerintahan terendah di dalam Pemerintahan Negara Republik Indonesia. Keberadaannya sangat strategis bagi penerapan program pemerintah pusat, pemerintah daerah, dan keinginan masyarakat desa, sehingga pemerintah desa dapat membantu terciptanya keseimbangan tujuan yang diinginkan oleh negara dan yang diinginkan oleh rakyat yaitu kesejahteraan rakyat. Untuk itu peran aparatur pemerintahan desa menjadi penting untuk mencapai keberhasilan pelaksanaan tugas pemerintahan desa. Pada kenyataannya masih banyak aparatur pemerintahan desa yang belum dapat melaksanakan tugas dan wewenangnya dengan baik dan benar. Bagaimana upaya menguatkan peran aparatur pemerintahan desa, agar mampu menjalankan tugas dan wewenangnya secara baik dan benar? Salah satu upaya yang dapat dilakukan adalah memberikan bimbingan teknis kepada aparatur pemerintahan desa mengenai pemerintahan desa, tugas dan wewenang aparatur pemerintah desa, maupun penyusunan peraturan desa. Melalui kegiatan ini diharapkan peran aparatur pemerintahan desa dalam melaksanakan tugas dan wewenangnya menjadi kuat, sehingga tugas dan wewenangnya dapat dilaksanakan dengan baik dan benar.


1982 ◽  
Vol 39 (2) ◽  
pp. 153-166 ◽  
Author(s):  
Donald Fithian Stevens

In the struggle sustained from time immemorial by the people with the haciendas, I shall be on the side of the people, once I obtain power.— Porfirio Díaz, 1876Given the importance of rural unrest in the destabilizing of Porfirian Mexico, it seems at least ironic to find these words attributed to Díaz during his Tuxtepec revolt. And, given the attention paid to the repressive elements of the Díaz dictatorship, one might easily argue that Díaz never intended to fulfill that promise, vague though it may be. A number of works seem to blame Díaz personally for the land problem which lead to his overthrow. Others maintain that Díaz remained aloof and was isolated from the common people; but by far the greatest number of works employ such amorphous or monolithic concepts as the “State,” the “Díaz regime,” “porjirismo,” or simply “the government” and focus exclusively on evidence of repression in Porfirian Mexico. Repression has attracted attention in part because it has been important in explaining dissatisfaction which lead to the Revolution of 1910 and in part because violence attracted a great deal of attention from contemporaries. This interest provides historians with more accessible sources while evidence of a more conciliatory attitude has remained hidden in the collection of Porfirio Díaz's presidential papers.


1975 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 103-123 ◽  
Author(s):  
Edmund S. K. Fung

One interesting aspect of the Revolution of 1911 in China was the role of the new-style army. The new-style troops, as one category of revolutionary activists distinct from the civilian radical intellectuals, determined the opening phase of the revolution, initiating the Wuchang uprising and bringing pressure to bear on most of the provincial leaders. Their contribution was the physical strength which the revolutionary intellectuals, who provided the ideology, lacked. The army played its vital role, not in the beginning of the revolutionary movement, but at a later stage when the prevailing order had been discredited and the imperial government had lost the allegiance of the people. Indeed, the success of the revolution reflected the interaction between revolutionary ideas and military power.


2019 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 33-51
Author(s):  
M. Ya'kub Aiyub Kadir

This paper is a reflection of the peace agreement between the Free Aceh Movement and the Government of Indonesia from 2005 to 2018. There have been improvement after a decade but there are still challenges that must be realized. The Helsinki Memorandum of Understanding (known as Helsinky peace agreement) on 15 August 2005 resulted a consensus that Aceh could have greater rights than before, as stipulated in the Law on Governing Aceh number 11/2006. Thus, Aceh has more authorities to redefine the political, economic, social and cultural status in the Republic of Indonesia system. This paper attempts to analyze this problem through a historical description of the movement of the Acehnese people, in the hope of contributing to increasing understanding of the concept of the Helsinki peace agreement in the context of sustainable peace and welfare improvement for the people of Aceh


2020 ◽  
Vol 17 (11) ◽  
pp. 1149-1157
Author(s):  
Kyoung-Sae Na ◽  
Seon-Cheol Park ◽  
Sun-Jung Kwon ◽  
Minjae Kim ◽  
Hyoung-Jun Kim ◽  
...  

Objective Suicide is a huge nationwide problem that incurs a lot of socio-economic costs. Suicide also inflicts severe distress on the people left behind. The government of the Republic of Korea has been making many policy efforts to reduce suicide rate. The gatekeeper program, ‘Suicide CARE’, is one of the meaningful modalities for preventing suicide.Methods Multidisciplinary research team collaborated to update the ‘Suicide CARE’ to version 2.0.Results In the ‘Introductory part’, the authors have the time to think about the necessity and significance of the program before conducting full-scale gatekeeper training. In the ‘Careful observation’ part, trainees learn how to understand and recognize the various linguistic, behavioral, and situational signals that a person shows before committing suicide. In the ‘Active listening’ part, trainees learn how to ask suicide with a value-neutral attitude as well listening empathetically. In the ‘Risk evaluation and Expert referral’ part, trainees learn intervening strategies to identify a person’s suicidal intention, plan, and past suicide attempts, and connect the person to appropriate institutes or services.Conclusion Subsequent studies should be conducted to verify the efficacy of the gatekeeper program.


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