scholarly journals Declined Total Fertility Rate Among Immigrants and the Role of Newly Arrived Women in Norway

2019 ◽  
Vol 36 (3) ◽  
pp. 547-573 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marianne Tønnessen
Keyword(s):  
Total Fertility Rate ◽  
Immigrant Women ◽  
Fertility Rate ◽  
Fertility Level ◽  
Duration Of Stay ◽  
Western Countries ◽  
Lower Fertility ◽  
Key Driver ◽  
Origin Area

Abstract In many Western countries, the total fertility rate (TFR) of immigrant women has declined over the last decades. This paper proposes two methods for investigating such changes in the aggregate immigrant fertility level: what-if scenarios and a formal decomposition. Both methods disentangle the effect of changed composition—by origin area and duration of stay—from the effect of changed fertility within subgroups. The methods are applied to data from Norway, where immigrant TFR declined from 2.6 births per women in 2000 to below 2.0 in 2017. The results show that this decline is not due to successful integration, nor changed composition of immigrant women by origin area or duration of stay. A main reason for the decline is found among newly arrived immigrant women, particularly from Asia. They have a considerably lower fertility now than what the newly arrived had 15–20 years ago. After investigating several possible reasons for the TFR decline among the newly arrived, decreased fertility in origin areas is suggested as a key driver.

A New Look at the Asian Fertility Transition (Distinguishedl Lecture)

1996 ◽  
Vol 35 (4I) ◽  
pp. 385-398 ◽  
Author(s):  
John C. Caldwell
Keyword(s):  
Total Fertility Rate ◽  
Birth Rate ◽  
Fertility Transition ◽  
Fertility Rate ◽  
Asian Women ◽  
Population Replacement ◽  
Planning Meeting ◽  
Annual Birth Rate

The significance of the Asian fertility transition can hardly be overestimated. The relatively sanguine view of population growth expressed at the 1994 International Conference for Population and Development (ICPD) in Cairo was possible only because of the demographic events in Asia over the last 30 years. In 1965 Asian women were still bearing about six children. Even at current rates, today’s young women will give birth to half as many. This measure, namely the average number of live births over a reproductive lifetime, is called the total fertility rate. It has to be above 2— considerably above if mortality is still high—to achieve long-term population replacement. By 1995 East Asia, taken as a whole, exhibited a total fertility rate of 1.9. Elsewhere, Singapore was below long-term replacement, Thailand had just achieved it, and Sri Lanka was only a little above. The role of Asia in the global fertility transition is shown by estimates I made a few years ago for a World Bank Planning Meeting covering the first quarter of a century of the Asian transition [Caldwell (1993), p. 300]. Between 1965 and 1988 the world’s annual birth rate fell by 22 percent. In 1988 there would have been 40 million more births if there had been no decline from 1965 fertility levels. Of that total decline in the world’s births, almost 80 percent had been contributed by Asia, compared with only 10 percent by Latin America, nothing by Africa, and, unexpectedly, 10 percent by the high-income countries of the West. Indeed, 60 percent of the decline was produced by two countries, China and India, even though they constitute only 38 percent of the world’s population. They accounted, between them, for over threequarters of Asia’s fall in births.

scholarly journals Misleading Policy Messages Derived from the Period TFR: Should We Stop Using It?

2011 ◽  
Vol 35 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Tomáš Sobotka ◽  
Wolfgang Lutz
Keyword(s):  
Total Fertility Rate ◽  
Developed Countries ◽  
Birth Spacing ◽  
Fertility Intentions ◽  
Fertility Rate ◽  
Fertility Level ◽  
Relevant Question ◽  
Year 2000

Discussions about fertility in developed countries refer almost exclusively to the period Total Fertility Rate (TFR). We argue that the use of this indicator frequently leads to incorrect interpretations of period fertility levels and trends, resulting in distorted policy conclusions and, potentially, in misguided policies. We illustrate this with four policy-relevant examples, drawn from contemporary Europe. These illustrations show that the TFR (a) inflates the presumed gap between fertility intentions and realised fertility, (b) erroneously suggests a significant fertility increase in many countries of Europe after the year 2000, (c) often exaggerates the level of immigrants’ fertility and (d) frequently suggests that family-related policies which led to shorter birth spacing in fact brought an upward swing in fertility level. There seems to be no policy-relevant question for which the period TFR would be the indicator of choice to be preferred over other existing measures.

scholarly journals The factors of dynamic fertility in Ukraine: statistical estimation

2013 ◽  
pp. 55-58
Author(s):  
Z. Palian
Keyword(s):  
Total Fertility Rate ◽  
Statistical Estimation ◽  
Multiplicative Model ◽  
Fertility Rate ◽  
Biological Factors ◽  
Fertility Trends

This paper presents the results of statistical estimation impact of demographic and medico-biological factors on Ukraine’s fertility trends. The Bongaarts fertility multiplicative model makes it possible to assess the role of each determinant in the formation of the total fertility rate in Ukraine.

scholarly journals Effect of Ethylene Glycol Concentration and Length of Exposure on In Vitro Fertility of Bovine Oocyte

2016 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Sri Wahjuningsih ◽  
Suhartojo Hardjopranjoto ◽  
Sutiman Bambang Sumitro
Keyword(s):  
Ethylene Glycol ◽  
Exposure Time ◽  
Fertility Rate ◽  
Fertility Level ◽  
Bovine Oocyte ◽  
Randomized Design ◽  
Lower Fertility ◽  
Completely Randomized Design ◽  
Bovine Oocytes

The purpose of the study was to determine the influence of the concentration of ethylene glycol (EG) and length of exposure to levels of bovine oocytes in vitro fertility. This research was conducted using a completely randomized design factorial 5x3 with 7 replicates. The first factor was the concentration of cryoprotectants EG 10, 20, 30, 40, and 50%. The second factor was the length of exposure 1, 3, and 5 minutes. The results showed that the concentration of EG and the length of exposure were effect on fertilized oocytes (P0.05). The level of oocytes in vitro fertility after vitrification in 30% EG and long exposure to 3 minutes did not different (P0.05) compared to fresh oocytes, while the EG treatment 10, 20, 40, and 50% significantly showed a lower fertility rate than the 30% EG (P0.05). It was concluded that the concentration of EG and length of exposure were effect on fertilized oocytes. The highest oocytes in vitro fertility level were found in 30% EG concentration with 3 minutes exposure time.

scholarly journals Changes in the age pattern of childbearing in Serbia and EU countries - comparative analysis

Stanovnistvo ◽  
2015 ◽  
Vol 53 (2) ◽  
pp. 43-66
Author(s):  
Ivana Magdalenic ◽  
Gordana Vojkovic
Keyword(s):  
Comparative Analysis ◽  
20Th Century ◽  
Total Fertility Rate ◽  
Fertility Rate ◽  
European Countries ◽  
Fertility Level ◽  
Female Population ◽  
Live Births ◽  
Eu Countries ◽  
The Eu

Most European countries nowadays are characterized by a fertility level, which by earlier theoretical considerations was not even assumed as the lower limit for childbearing. The focus of this paper are the changes in reproductive behavior of women during the second half of the 20th and beginning of the 21st century as well as the changes in the age model of childbearing which resulted from that. The comparative analysis between Serbia and 28 EU member countries covers the period 1960-2012. The distribution of live births according to mother's age was analyzed, as well as the phenomena of postponing births and increasing the average age of mothers at childbirth, changes in the structure of female population according to the number of live births, and the decrease of higher birth orders. Demographic potentials of fertility through age structures of the fertile cohort were also pointed out. The similarities and differences in the fertility patterns in the Republic of Serbia and the EU countries were considered in order to determine the specificities of the reproductive model of women in Serbia and the widespread phenomena of postponing births. The fertility transition in Serbia in the second half of the 20th century had the same trend as in the EU countries evolving in the direction of constant lowering of the childbirth levels. Nevertheless, in relation to the sixties of the 20th century, Serbia shifted towards the lower part of the scale at which the EU countries are ranked according to total fertility rate. Almost all EU member countries (except for Luxembourg, Malta, Cyprus and Portugal) marked an increase in fertility in the 2000-2011 period, while the fertility level in Serbia, with some oscillations, continued to decrease. The turnabout in total fertility rate registered in most European countries is attributed to the effect of postponed childbirths, while it is assumed that its impact will be marked in Serbia during the next decade. Changes in the fertility age models of the population in Serbia in the second half of the 20th century progressed in the form of an intensive and almost continual decrease of the level of live births in the two youngest age groups (15-19 and 20- 24), while the other cohorts marked fluctuations of age-specific fertility rates (ASFR). The fertility level of the 25-29 cohort, which is also the bearer of maximum childbirths in Serbia (91.6?), is considerably lower than the level of the same age group in France (134.2?) or Sweden (113.9?). With the present fertility level (TFR 1.45), Serbia is closer to the populations of central and southern Europe. Furthermore, a comparative analysis of the scope and internal composition of the reproductive cohort of selected countries shows that Serbia belongs to the category of countries which is characterized by a considerable reduction of the reproductive demographic framework and unfavorable age structure of the fertile cohort. The existing differences in relation to the EU countries with the highest fertility confirm that fertile period is not taken advantage of, and that there is considerable capacity for stimulating births of women at the so-called optimal reproductive age (as the ASFRs of these groups are considerably below the level of countries with the highest fertility). Furthermore, the current higher fertility rate of older women in Serbia does not compensate for the reduced reproduction in the younger years, as the ASFR of women of the older cohorts is also lower than in countries with higher fertility.

scholarly journals Do Religious People Have More Children? The Effect of Religious Affiliation and Religiosity on Fertility

2021 ◽  
Vol 29 ◽  
pp. 479-499
Author(s):  
Iim Halimatusa’diyah ◽  
◽  
Dzuriyatun Toyibah ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Religious Affiliation ◽  
Vital Role ◽  
Fertility Rate ◽  
High Fertility ◽  
Fertility Rates ◽  
World Value Survey ◽  
Number Of Children ◽  
Lower Fertility ◽  
Role Of Religion

This paper aimed to examine the effect of religious affiliation and religiosity on the fertility rate. While scholars have predicted the decline of religion’s influence, practice, and role in modern societies, religion still plays a vital role in shaping individuals’ behavior, including their fertility behavior. While there have been many studies on the role of religion on fertility, few studies have compared the fertility rates among people from different religious affiliations and their practices of religiosity. Additionally, cross-national analyses of the fertility rate of religious individuals who live as a majority or minority in various countries are still limited. Drawing from the World Value Survey data and using OLS regression to examine interaction and socialization, and minority-status approaches to the relationship between religion and fertility behaviors, this study revealed that Muslims are more likely to have a higher number of children among the explored religions. In terms of religiosity, those who are more religious, from all religious affiliations, demonstrated the same likelihood of having high fertility. Additionally, while both ritual and belief dimensions of religiosity are significantly associated with a high fertility rate for all religious affiliations, all dimensions of religiosity had significant effects on fertility for Muslims. Furthermore, Muslim and Christian minorities were likely to have lower fertility rates than their counterparts with majority status.

scholarly journals BIRTH CONTROL IN BELARUS AND CHINA: CURRENT POLICY

2019 ◽  
pp. 87-99
Keyword(s):  
Labor Market ◽  
Birth Control ◽  
Total Fertility Rate ◽  
Maternity Leave ◽  
Fertility Rate ◽  
Number Of Children ◽  
Market Women ◽  
The Republic ◽  
Fierce Competition

Belarus and China are experiencing a decline of the total fertility rate (TFR). On the one hand, this was a natural response to the increasing role of women in society, labor market and increasing women's participation in education. As a result, marrying and having children later, as well as a decrease in the number of children born. On the other hand, scientists state the role of the policy on childbearing, the strength of which is difficult to calculate although. Today, one can observe a rapid strengthening of bilateral relations in economic, social and other areas of regulation Belarus and China had different birth control vectors. In the conditions of protracted depopulation in the Republic of Belarus, stimulation of the birth rate has become a priority goal of the state policy. Rapid population growth in China posed a threat to economic, food, and even environmental security. This led to the adoption of drastic measures to limit the number of children born in Chinese families. This paper focuses on how similar are birth control policies in Belarus and China. The choice of countries is also due to the fact that Today both countries set the goal to stabilize the population in order to ensure sustainable economic development and improvement in the quality of life. The paper presents a description and analysis of legal acts that regulate demographic processes, as well as specific areas of support for families with children. It was revealed that Belarus provides multilateral (mostly financial) assistance not only for the birth of a child, but also for his upbringing. The system is designed so that a woman cares for a child 3 years after his birth. In China, in the face of fierce competition in the labor market, women go to work after maternity leave. They are forced to use the services of pre-school education, even if they are expensive. As a result, the decision to give birth to a child is weighed in terms of the economic possibilities of families. In China, measures may vary depending on the territory; in Belarus, politics is one for all. It is difficult to assess in which country the policy is more effective. The total fertility rate for the past 25 years is very similar.

scholarly journals Pronatalist Policies and Fertility in Russia: Estimating Tempo and Quantum Effects

2021 ◽  
Vol 46 ◽  
Author(s):  
Asiya Validova
Keyword(s):  
Total Fertility Rate ◽  
Population Policy ◽  
Quantum Effect ◽  
Critical Role ◽  
Relative Weight ◽  
Quantum Effects ◽  
Fertility Rate ◽  
Fertility Level ◽  
Decomposition Approach ◽  
The Impact

This paper examines the family policy reforms of 2007 in Russia that were aimed explicitly at encouraging second and higher-order births, and analyses their impact on fertility. The existing empirical findings about population policy interventions in transition economies are inconclusive, while the most common argument states that policies based on material incentives are insufficient to significantly raise the real fertility in a population. The study aims to offer a better insight to the following research question: was Russian demographic policy effective in terms of raising the fertility level in the country or did it merely change the timing of births? The objective of the paper is to measure two effects of the pronatalist policy in Russia: tempo effect and quantum effect. Using data from the Human Fertility Database, I employ the decomposition method to separate tempo and quantum effects in the observed total fertility rate, and I estimate their relative weight in observed fertility changes. The analysis of period fertility indicators confirmed the prevalence of a tempo effect in observed total fertility rate change, but also revealed a quantum effect of the policy measures, although this was much smaller. Policy impact varied by birth order. For second parity, the tempo effect played a more critical role, while for third parity the quantum effect was more important. Another decomposition approach employed to measure the contributions of various factors in the increase of the number of births during the post-reform period showed the quantum effect which was driven by second and third order births. The study provides empirical evidence of the impact of policies on fertility behaviour, expands the existing analysis of pronatalist measures taken in Russia, and contributes to our understanding of the role of tempo and quantum effects in the recent fertility change in Russia.

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