The “Open Society” and its Fallacies

1960 ◽  
Vol 54 (4) ◽  
pp. 972-979 ◽  
Author(s):  
Willmoore Kendall

A little over 100 years ago John Stuart Mill wrote in his essay On Liberty that “… there ought to exist the fullest liberty of professing and discussing, as a matter of ethical conviction, any doctrine, however immoral it may be considered.” The sentence from which this is taken is not obiter: Chapter Two of his book is devoted to arguments, putatively philosophical in character, which if they were sound would warrant precisely such a conclusion; we have therefore every reason to assume that Mill meant by the sentence just what it says. The topic of Chapter Two is the entire “communications” process in civilized society (“advanced” society, as Mill puts it); and the question he raises is whether there should be limitations on that process. He treats that problem as the central problem of all civilized societies, the one to which all other problems are subordinate, because of the consequences, good or ill, that a society must bring upon itself according as it adopts this or that solution to it. And he has supreme confidence in the Tightness of the solution he offers. Presumably to avoid all possible misunderstanding, he provides several alternative statements of it, each of which makes his intention abundantly clear, namely, that society must be so organized as to make that solution its supreme law. “Fullest,” that is, absolute freedom of thought and speech, he asserts by clear implication in the entire argument of the chapter, is not to be one of several competing goods society is to foster, one that on occasion might reasonably be sacrificed, in part at least, to the preservation of other goods; i.e., he refuses to recognize any competing good in the name of which it can be limited.

2016 ◽  
Vol 34 (2) ◽  
pp. 152-165
Author(s):  
Adolfo Rodríguez Herrera

Smith is considered the father of the labour theory of value developed by David Ricardo and Karl Marx and simultaneously of the cost-of-production theory of value developed by John Stuart Mill and Alfred Marshall. This polysemy is partly because Smith is developping the terminology to refer to value and measure of value, and often uses it with much imprecision. That has led to different interpretations about his position on these issues, most of them derived from an error of interpretation of Ricardo and Marx. This paper reviews the concepts developed by Smith to formulate his theory of value (value, real price and exchangeable value). Our interpretation of his texts on value does not coincide with what has traditionally been done. According to our interpretation, it would not be correct the criticism made by Ricardo and Marx on Smith’s position about the role of labour as measure of value. For these authors, Smith is not consistent in proposing that the value of a commodity is defined or measured as the amount of labour necessary to produce it and simultaneously as the amount of labour that can be purchased by this commodity. We try to show that for Smith the labour has a double role –as source and measure of value–, and that to it is due the confusion that generates his use of some terms: Smith proposes labour as a measure of value because he conceives it as a source of value. With this interpretation it becomes clear, paradoxically, that Smith holds a labour theory of value that substantially corresponds to the one later developed by Ricardo and Marx.


2021 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 11
Author(s):  
Kasmuri Selamat ◽  
Irma Handayani ◽  
Akhyar Hanif

The ideal leader is an expectation for every society in the world. Leadership is a relationship between the influence of the leader and the one being led. Leadership also functions to execute power to invite, influence, guide, mobilize and build other people to do something to achieve certain goals. To implement, Islam provides normative and philosophical bases on the principles of leadership. These principles include deliberation, fairness, gentleness, freedom of thought, synergy in building togetherness. The principles taught by Islam are in line with the thoughts of one of the Islamic philosophers, Ibn Khaldun. Furthermore, he emphasized that the social solidarity factor is crucial to become an ideal leader.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ivonete Pereira

“The children of Eve”: poor children and teenagers in the shadow of delinquency and abandonment in Florianópolis – 1900-1940 This book analyzes the discourses of intellectuals, jurists, and public authorities about poor children and teenagers in Florianópolis in the first four decades of the twentieth century. In the country’s pedagogical knowledge in that century, childhood had a “natural plasticity”, therefore susceptible to molding. Thus, shaping the child and adjusting it to the ideals of a “civilized” society became the pivot of passionate discourses in State Chambers and Federal Congress, as well as in the intellectual environment. In those, poor children and adolescents became synonyms of “abandoned” and/or “perverted. The discourses ranged from defending those children and adolescents, to protecting society against them, since they also “represented” a threat to the nation’s “order and progress”. When analyzing the experiences of those children we penetrate in a world of the “pitiful” and the “dangerous”, as well as in a network of intrigues. In it not only the “minors” were subject to a project of exclusion under the aegis of differentiated inclusion, but everyone that represents “the other”, the one that does not fit the normative system which, in that moment, was regarded as “universal and absolute”.


Author(s):  
Stève Sainlaude

On May 13, 1861, the British cabinet published a proclamation of neutrality accompanied by recognition of Southern belligerency. The French followed suit on June 10, 1861 with a proclamation of neutrality that employed the same cautious language to describe the Southern authority. Instead of taking a stance on the central problem, French Foreign Minister Edouard Thouvenel sought to anticipate the conflict’s damage to French interests in the U.S. However, by keeping an equal distance from both belligerents, France displeased the Lincoln administration, which denied that its enemy had any legitimacy to fight. The legal government remained the one in Washington because the French did not recognize the Confederacy as a state. France therefore maintained diplomatic relations with the Lincoln administration, while French relations with the authorities in Richmond remained unofficial. The Declaration of Paris of April 16, 1856 introduced changes to maritime law. It prohibited privateering, exempted nonbelligerent vessels carrying enemy goods from confiscation, and declared that blockades had to be physically effective in order to be legally binding. Thouvenel found it easier to depart from a strict reading of the Declaration of Paris because the text did not clearly specify any practical arrangements for certifying a blockade’s effectiveness.


2015 ◽  
Vol 75 (5) ◽  
pp. 358-365
Author(s):  
Jürgen Moltmann

Abstract Bakunin’s anarchism on the one hand and Carl Schmitt’s State-God on the other mirror each other. Either concept is about the non-accountable, »absolute« political decision. Both modern terrorism and the political reaction to it in the »security state« follow the alternative Bakunin-Schmitt. By contrast, the »open society« of democracy needs the Christian, intelligent love of enemies to deal with its enemies without self-destruction.


1982 ◽  
Vol 12 (4) ◽  
pp. 399-419 ◽  
Author(s):  
Geraint Parry

Liberals have regularly associated tradition with constraint. They have spoken of the ‘force’ of tradition or of the ‘despotism’ of custom. Locke drew a contrast between those who let themselves be guided by ‘traditional customs and the fashion of the country’ and those who use their liberty to think for themselves. For John Stuart Mill ‘the love of liberty’ was antagonistic to ‘the sway of Custom’. Tradition and custom are represented by liberals in much the way Machiavelli represented fortuna, as forces which, unless repulsed by independent, free-thinking persons, would inevitably dominate whole societies and epochs. Mill held up China as the warning example. Custom had there become the court of ultimate appeal, the standard of justice, the argument which none could contemplate resisting. Custom had annihilated individuality and with it liberty, along with genuine history. The consequence was ‘stationariness’. Unless the modern pressure of opinion was resisted Europe would become another China. The chief interest of the history of mankind, Mill declared, was the contest between custom and the progressive principle. A free society is in liberal terms an open society.


2016 ◽  
Vol 15 (3) ◽  
pp. 879-891 ◽  
Author(s):  
H. S. JONES

Ever since the resurgence of the sub-discipline in the 1960s, the foremost achievements of the history of political thought have dealt with the early modern period. The classics of the genre—Laslett's edition of Locke, Pocock'sMachiavellian Moment, Skinner'sFoundations—have all dealt with that period, and it is hard to think of any works on the nineteenth century that have quite the same stature. Of all the canonical political thinkers, John Stuart Mill is perhaps the one who has proved resistant to the contextualist method. There is a vast literature on Mill, and many historians have written penetratingly about him—Stefan Collini, William Thomas, Donald Winch—but there has hitherto been no historically grounded study of his thought to rival, say, John Dunn on Locke or Skinner on Hobbes, or even a host of learned monographs. Before Varouxakis's book, no study of Mill had been published in Cambridge University Press's flagship series in intellectual history, Ideas in Context. But all that has changed. In these two works, published more or less concurrently, we have two triumphs for contextualism. They demonstrate in impressive detail just why it matters in reading Mill to get the history right.


2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. e12506
Author(s):  
Mohammadbagher Forghani ozrudi ◽  
Aliakbar Raeispour ◽  
Reza Raeispour

Now day’s education is very important & more changes cause more attention to the training. These days training is the one of human body’s unavoidable needs. Training & increasing skills is a good way to encounter with the problems of today’s complex & changeable world. Education & especially training that train the new generation is the former need of a civilized society. The purpose of this research was Investigate the situation using information technology in elementary PE teachers of Babol city. The research type was descriptive, applicative and natural dispositional that was done by the field way. Statistical society included all the male & female employed elementary school’s PE teachers of Babol city. Statistical sample included 85 teachers that answered the questionnaire. The measuring tools were the Kalateahani (2009) (α=0.79). The used statistical way included the t-test & Pierson correlation coefficient. The research’s founding’s showed the teacher’s attitude about the IT was positive & there is a meaning relation among the skill, quantity of useag of them. About the use of IT & also there is not a meaningful difference among teacher’s attitudes about the use of IT in research & education task & quantity of need to education of them in difference sexuality & there is a meaningful difference among the skill & quantity of use of IT in research & education tasks in different education degrees.


2019 ◽  
Vol 46 (2) ◽  
pp. 347-361
Author(s):  
Carissa Chew

Myrmecological texts that circulated in Britain in the nineteenth and early twentieth century can be interpreted, from the perspective of the post-colonial theory of Orientalism, as belonging to a wider body of colonial-era European literature that has historically portrayed New World peoples and animals as the “Other”. In implicit ways, colonial-era literature on ant behaviour reproduces the Orientalist dichotomy of civilization and savagery. At different times, the ant colony has been portrayed, somewhat paradoxically, as both a civilized society in miniature and a foreign savage order. On the one hand, some British myrmecological texts rendered the ant as a symbol of Britishness and civilization: the elevated image of the ant reflected the imperialist trope that non-white people were inferior, savage Others. On the other hand, the ant colony was portrayed elsewhere in British myrmecological literature – and in other European texts that were translated into English and circulated in Britain – as a dangerous, merciless and aggressive Otherness itself. Accordingly, in these texts, the ant and the “native” are depicted as accomplices who share an antagonism toward the colonial project. Both these positive and negative representations of the ant reflect and reproduce Orientalist tropes, which have historically been used to emphasize the perceived inferior status of non-white colonial subjects.


Philosophy ◽  
1941 ◽  
Vol 16 (62) ◽  
pp. 151-168 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lord Stamp

The final persistence of democracy depends upon whether its right decisions outweigh the wrong ones in number and value, though conceivably one really bad decision might ruin the structure built on all the right ones. It is passing from the stage where a few reasoning leaders govern the masses through their emotions, to the next perilous stage in which every man's thoughts matter. Right decisions depend upon access to relevant facts and doing the right thinking about them. It is of the essence of Nazi philosophy that general liberty of thought is self-destructive, the common man not being rational; it is of the essence of Nazi practice to flatter the many by the pretence that their thinking does matter, but to control and modify the whole supply of factual material upon which they must reason. One declared to me once that he favoured freedom of thought and was not afraid of it, for if he was allowed to supply the “facts” any ordinary rational mind could come to only one conclusion, viz. the one he intended. And in the process the ordinary man might remain proud of his reasoning power, so long as he could be sheltered from seeing the falsity of his conclusions. Control of facts must be perpetual, and cats must never be allowed to get out of bags. But in a democracy, where facts are all born free (and much too equal), it is the thinking about them that really matters.


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