scholarly journals The Politics of Agency Death: Ministers and the Survival of Government Agencies in a Parliamentary System

2015 ◽  
Vol 46 (4) ◽  
pp. 763-784 ◽  
Author(s):  
Oliver James ◽  
Nicolai Petrovsky ◽  
Alice Moseley ◽  
George A. Boyne

This article extends the theory of government agency survival from separation of powers to parliamentary government systems. It evaluates expectations of increased risk to agencies following transitions in government, prime minister or departmental minister, and from incongruence between the originally establishing and currently overseeing political executive. Using survival models for UK executive agencies between 1989 and 2012, the study finds that politics trumps performance. Ministers seek to make their mark by terminating agencies created by previous ministers, which is reinforced by high media attention to the agency. Performance against agency targets is not associated with higher termination risk, and replacement agencies do not perform any better than those that were terminated. Financial autonomy provides some protection for agencies that are less dependent on budgetary appropriations.

2019 ◽  
Vol 3 (10) ◽  
pp. 101
Author(s):  
Emad Wakaa Ajil

Iraq is one of the most Arab countries where the system of government has undergone major political transformations and violent events since the emergence of the modern Iraqi state in 1921 and up to the present. It began with the monarchy and the transformation of the regime into the republican system in 1958. In the republican system, Continued until 2003, and after the US occupation of Iraq in 2003, the regime changed from presidential to parliamentary system, and the parliamentary experience is a modern experience for Iraq, as he lived for a long time without parliamentary experience, what existed before 2003, can not be a parliamentary experience , The experience righteousness The study of the parliamentary system in particular and the political process in general has not been easy, because it is a complex and complex process that concerns the political system and its internal and external environment, both of which are influential in the political system and thus on the political process as a whole, After the US occupation of Iraq, the United States intervened to establish a permanent constitution for the country. Despite all the circumstances accompanying the drafting of the constitution, it is the first constitution to be drafted by an elected Constituent Assembly. The Iraqi Constitution adopted the parliamentary system of government and approved the principle of flexible separation of powers in order to achieve cooperation and balance between the authorities.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-17
Author(s):  
Sisay A. Temesgen

Abstract The Ethiopian Federal Democratic Republic (EFDR) Constitution is promulgated in 1994. Under Article (45) of the EFDR the country is restructured from presidential to parliamentary system of government. Since then, the country has been ravaged by the gross violation of the liberty of citizens and the crisis of national unity and consensus among the diversified ethnic groups. The impact of the parliamentary system in aggravating those critical challenges and the comparative advantage of presidantialism is the most ignored political research topic. In this Article, I investigated that the blurry separation of powers of the parliamentary structure of the country has created fusion of powers which has undermined the system of checks and balances. Thus, the executive organ of the government has enabled to concentrate unchecked and unaccountable power which has manifested in the gross violation of the liberty of citizens. Likewise, Article (73) of EFDR has declared that the prime minister and council of ministers of the country to be appointed by the legislators. This has deprived their boarder popular base and authenticity; and equivocally undermined their potency and decisiveness in addressing the existing crisis of national unity and consensus. Comparatively, the presidential structure of government is defined by the firm separation of powers and genuine system of checks and balances. The direct popular election of the president enables the president and council of ministers to secure broader popular base and authenticity. Thus, it is advantageous over parliamentarian structure in terms of protecting the liberty of citizens and addressing the crisis of national unity and consensus in Ethiopia.


2016 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Jin-liang Liu ◽  
Feng Xu ◽  
Hui Zhou ◽  
Xue-jie Wu ◽  
Ling-xian Shi ◽  
...  

Abstract Aim of this study was to develop a new simpler and more effective severity score for community-acquired pneumonia (CAP) patients. A total of 1640 consecutive hospitalized CAP patients in Second Affiliated Hospital of Zhejiang University were included. The effectiveness of different pneumonia severity scores to predict mortality was compared, and the performance of the new score was validated on an external cohort of 1164 patients with pneumonia admitted to a teaching hospital in Italy. Using age ≥ 65 years, LDH > 230 u/L, albumin < 3.5 g/dL, platelet count < 100 × 109/L, confusion, urea > 7 mmol/L, respiratory rate ≥ 30/min, low blood pressure, we assembled a new severity score named as expanded-CURB-65. The 30-day mortality and length of stay were increased along with increased risk score. The AUCs in the prediction of 30-day mortality in the main cohort were 0.826 (95% CI, 0.807–0.844), 0.801 (95% CI, 0.781–0.820), 0.756 (95% CI, 0.735–0.777), 0.793 (95% CI, 0.773–0.813) and 0.759 (95% CI, 0.737–0.779) for the expanded-CURB-65, PSI, CURB-65, SMART-COP and A-DROP, respectively. The performance of this bedside score was confirmed in CAP patients of the validation cohort although calibration was not successful in patients with health care-associated pneumonia (HCAP). The expanded CURB-65 is objective, simpler and more accurate scoring system for evaluation of CAP severity, and the predictive efficiency was better than other score systems.


2019 ◽  
Vol 58 (3) ◽  
pp. 565-597
Author(s):  
Joel Hebert

AbstractThis article considers the political activism of Canada's Indigenous peoples as a corrective to the prevailing narrative of British decolonization. For several decades, historians have described the end of empire as a series of linear political transitions from colony to nation-state, all ending in the late 1960s. But for many colonized peoples, the path to sovereignty was much less straightforward, especially in contexts where the goal of a discrete nation-state was unattainable. Canada's Indigenous peoples were one such group. In 1980, in the face of separatism in Quebec, Prime Minister Pierre Trudeau pledged to renew the Canadian Confederation by bringing home the constitution, which was still retained by the British Parliament. But many Indigenous leaders feared that this final separation of powers would extinguish their historic bilateral treaties with the British crown, including the Royal Proclamation of 1763 that guaranteed Indigenous sovereignty in a trust relationship with Britain. Indigenous activists thus organized lobbying campaigns at Westminster to oppose Trudeau's act of so-called patriation. This article follows the Constitution Express, a campaign organized by the Union of British Columbia Indian Chiefs in 1981. Maneuvering around the nuances of British political and cultural difference, activists on the Constitution Express articulated and exercised their own vision of decolonization, pursuing continued ties to Britain as their best hope for securing Indigenous sovereignty in a federal Canada.


GeroScience ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 42 (5) ◽  
pp. 1365-1376
Author(s):  
Marius Zeeb ◽  
Tobias Kerrinnes ◽  
Luka Cicin-Sain ◽  
Carlos A. Guzman ◽  
Wolfram Puppe ◽  
...  

Abstract Immunostimulation by chronic infection has been linked to an increased risk for different non-communicable diseases, which in turn are leading causes of death in high- and middle-income countries. Thus, we investigated if a positive serostatus for pathogens responsible for common chronic infections is individually or synergistically related to reduced overall survival in community dwelling elderly. We used data of 365 individuals from the German MEMO (Memory and Morbidity in Augsburg Elderly) cohort study with a median age of 73 years at baseline and a median follow-up of 14 years. We examined the effect of a positive serostatus at baseline for selected pathogens associated with chronic infections (Helicobacter pylori, Borrelia burgdorferi sensu lato, Toxoplasma gondii, cytomegalovirus, Epstein-Barr virus, herpes simplex virus 1/2, and human herpesvirus 6) on all-cause mortality with multivariable parametric survival models. We found a reduced survival time in individuals with a positive serostatus for Helicobacter pylori (accelerated failure time (AFT) − 15.92, 95% CI − 29.96; − 1.88), cytomegalovirus (AFT − 22.81, 95% CI − 36.41; − 9.22) and Borrelia burgdorferi sensu lato (AFT − 25.25, 95% CI − 43.40; − 7.10), after adjusting for potential confounders. The number of infectious agents an individual was seropositive for had a linear effect on all-cause mortality (AFT per additional infection − 12.42 95% CI − 18.55; − 6.30). Our results suggest an effect of seropositivity for Helicobacter pylori, cytomegalovirus, and Borrelia burgdorferi sensu lato on all-cause mortality in older community dwelling individuals. Further research with larger cohorts and additional biomarkers is required, to assess mediators and molecular pathways of this effect.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mahir Tokatlı

In this book, the author examines the development of the Turkish constitution since 1921 in terms of its horizontal separation of powers, and concludes that Turkey’s recent constitutional changes do not imply a presidential system at all. Contrary to the widespread assumption in journalism and academia, the governmental system has persisted in conforming to a parliamentary system. Using a reconceptualisation of the typology of systems of government, this thesis is reinforced and at the same time provides a further contribution to the field of comparative politics by affirming the benefits of the basic dichotomous typology, by elaborating a distinctive subtypification and by rejecting semi-presidentialism as an autonomous type.


2019 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 81-91
Author(s):  
George Goradze

The article looks at the last amendments to the Constitution of Georgia. By this amendments Georgia moves into parliamentary system. However, there are some questions: Does this system comply with European standards of parliamentary system? How will this system work in Georgia? Is a parliamentary system ideal model for Post-Soviet countries and particularly for Georgia? The article is divided into two parts: The first part looks at the new redaction of the Constitution of Georgia and the new system of governance which will be established by this constitutional changes. By analysis the author comes to the conclusion that new amendments to the constitution will serve as a guarantee of a long-standing stay in the government for the ruling political party; In the second part of the article the author discusses the negative aspects of a parliamentary system in general. Here main question is “how will the Parliament control the executive branch and its leader who is the head of the ruling party and the parliamentary majority, as well? It may be vice versa.” In the author’ opinion one of the ways for a parliamentary system is to elect a non-party president through a universal suffrage.


2019 ◽  
Vol 23 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hoolo 'Nyane

ABSTRACT Lesotho has a bicameral parliamentary system based on the British model. While the National Assembly is clearly a representative House elected by the citizenry, the purpose, structure and legislative powers of the Senate as the Second Chamber have been a matter of considerable controversy throughout the history of parliamentary democracy in the country. The National Assembly generally has the upper hand not only in the legislative process but also in the broader parliamentary system - it chooses the Prime Minister, it places its confidence in the government and it can withdraw such confidence. The fact that the model generally gives the National Assembly the upper hand is a matter of common cause. What is in question, though, is the nature and extent of the limitation of the powers of the Senate in terms of the Constitution. This article investigates this question and contends that the composition of, and restrictions on, the Senate need to be reviewed in order to enable the Chamber to play a meaningful role in Lesotho's parliamentary democracy . Key words: Constitution of Lesotho, Bicameralism, Senate, National Assembly, Powers of the Second Chamber


Blood ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 132 (Supplement 1) ◽  
pp. 67-67
Author(s):  
Margaret L. MacMillan ◽  
Shernan G. Holtan ◽  
Armin Rashidi ◽  
Todd E. DeFor ◽  
Claudio G Brunstein ◽  
...  

Abstract Introduction: We recently reported on the Minnesota acute GVHD Risk Score that is based on the number of involved organs and severity of GVHD at onset. Using clinical grouping, descriptive statistics and recursive partitioning, we identified poorly responsive, high-risk (HR) acute GVHD by the number of involved organs and severity of GVHD at onset. Patients with HR GVHD were 3 times less likely to respond to steroid therapy and had >2 fold increased risk of mortality and transplant-related mortality (TRM) than patients in the standard risk (SR) GVHD group. This GVHD Risk Score more accurately predicts response, survival and TRM than other published GVHD risk scores based upon clinical grading criteria (BBMT.2015,21:761). Methods: To validate this Risk Score, we examined a new cohort (2008-2016) of 355 patients (median age 49 years, range <1-75) at the University of Minnesota diagnosed with acute GVHD and treated with prednisone 60 mg/m2/d for 14 days, followed by an 8-week taper. Results: All patients had >6 months follow-up after steroid initiation (median 3.2 years). 79 (22%) patients had HR GVHD and 276 (78%) had SR GVHD. Demographics were similar in the two groups (Table). Overall response [complete response (CR)+partial response (PR)] was significantly higher in the 276 SR vs 79 HR GVHD patients at day 14 (71% vs 56%, p<0.01), day 28 (74% vs 59%, p=0.02) and day 56 (68% vs. 49%, p<0.01) after steroid initiation (Figure A). Day 28 CR/PR did not differ by initial GVHD grade being 64%, 77%, 65% and 50% for grade I, II, III and IV (p=0.07). HR GVHD was observed in 31% single UCBT recipients, 19% double UCBT recipients and 22% BMT/PBSCT recipients. Notably, Day 28 responses were significantly higher in UCB recipients than others (Figure B). In multiple regression analysis, the odds of day 28 CR/PR were lower in HR vs SR GVHD patients (OR 0.5, 95% CI 0.3-0.8) and in HLA matched URD donor vs other recipients (OR 0.5, 95% CI,0.3-1.1, p<0.01). OR of response was 2 fold higher in UCB (OR 2.2, 95% CI,1.3-3.7, p=0.01) vs. BM/PBSC recipients. Factors significantly associated with greater 2 year TRM included HR GVHD (HR 1.4, 95% CI,1.0-1.9, p=0.05), age ≥60 years (HR 1.7, 95% CI,1.1-2.8, p=0.02) and high risk HCT-comorbidity index (HCT-CI; HR 1.6, 95% CI,1.1-2.2, p=0.01). Similarly, mortality at 2 years was higher in HR GVHD (HR 1.7, 95% CI,1.2-2.4, p<0.01), high risk HCT-CI (HR 1.8, 95% CI,1.3-2.5, p<0.01), and recipients of URD grafts HR 1.9, 95% CI,1.1-3.1, p=0.01). Mortality was lower in early onset GVHD (HR 0.95, 95% CI,0.92-0.99, p=0.04). Two years after initiation of steroid therapy, 92 patients developed chronic GVHD for a cumulative incidence of 26% (95% CI 21-31%). No differences in the incidence of chronic GVHD were observed in those with SR and HR acute GVHD (28% vs 20%, p=0.54). Risks of chronic GVHD however were significantly lower in UCB recipients (HR 0.6, 95% CI,0.5-0.9, p=0.01) and in early onset GVHD (HR 0.95, 95% CI,0.92-0.98, p<0.01), but were higher in patients with high risk HCT-CI (HR 1.7, 95% CI,1.2-2.3, p<0.01). Conclusions: This analysis confirms that the Minnesota GVHD Risk Score is a valuable, immediately available bedside tool to define risk in patients with acute GVHD and predicts outcomes better than GVHD clinical grades. These results also demonstrate the importance of age, HCT-CI, graft source, and time to onset of GVHD on outcomes after GVHD therapy. Notably, UCB recipients have better responses to steroid therapy and lower subsequent risk for chronic GVHD than other donor sources. These data suggest that a tailored approach to upfront GVHD therapy based upon the Minnesota acute GVHD Risk Score and other risk factors should be considered in order to improve outcomes in patients with acute GVHD. Further studies are needed to explore why cord blood recipients with acute GVHD respond better than BM/PBSC recipients with a similar severity of GVHD. Disclosures MacMillan: Angiocrine: Membership on an entity's Board of Directors or advisory committees; CSL Behring: Consultancy; Equillium: Consultancy. Holtan:Incyte: Consultancy. Brunstein:Gamidacell: Research Funding. Wagner:Magenta Therapeutics: Consultancy, Research Funding; Novartis: Research Funding. Blazar:Kadmon Corporation, LLC: Consultancy, Research Funding. Weisdorf:SL Behring: Consultancy; Equillium: Consultancy; FATE: Consultancy; Pharmacyclics: Consultancy; Seattle Genetics: Consultancy.


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