New Top Elites for Old in Russian Politics

1999 ◽  
Vol 29 (2) ◽  
pp. 323-343 ◽  
Author(s):  
T. H. RIGBY

Previous research on elite change in Russia, the main findings of which are summarized here, has shown that well over half of post-Soviet Russia's political elite were drawn from the late-Soviet era elite. After a caveat against loose use of the nomenklatura concept, this article focuses on a far narrower sub-group, defined as the ‘top’ political elite, comprising 135 individuals in late 1988 and ninety-eight in 1996. Many of the old top elite found lower elite roles in post-Soviet Russia and most of the new top elite came from fairly senior jobs, but hardly any passed directly from the old top elite to the new. Only a minority of the top elite in 1996 were ‘natural heirs’ to their positions while others owed them primarily to connections or to their success in the new open competitive politics. In this respect (as in others) there are substantial differences between the three components of the new top elite, namely members of the government, senior office holders in the State Duma, and leading officials of the presidential administration. The Russian top elite today remains overwhelmingly male. Far more grew up in large cities than did their Soviet-era equivalents. Non-Russians are now relatively less under-represented. All are tertiary graduates, and nearly a half have postgraduate qualifications. Members of the presidential elite are far more likely than government members to be city-born and educated in the social sciences or humanities, and they average almost a decade younger. The Duma elite lies in between in all these respects.

2016 ◽  
Vol 10 (6) ◽  
pp. 124-134
Author(s):  
Арина Преображенская ◽  
Arina Preobrazhenskaya ◽  
Марат Арифуллин ◽  
Marat Arifullin

The article analyzes the most pressing social and economic problems of modern France. The crisis phenomena in economy have led to an aggravation of many social problems and deepening of existing social inequality. The young people, especially with low levels of education and professional qualifications, became the most affected part of society and have expanded the increased ranks of the unemployed and recipients of minimum social benefits. Dramatically increase government spending has led to growth of government deficits. The government has taken a number of measures to reduce costs, including in the social sphere. The article deals with reforms of Socialist Party that is in power. President Hollande’s measures for strengthening the competitiveness and steps to tighten budgetary policy did not lead to a significant improvement of economic indicators in the country. Particular attention is paid to innovations in the field of social protection. The authors conclude that the French State has kept its position as a guarantor of social development and has pursued a policy of distribution of a set of social standards for emerging categories of recipients. At the same time there is tendency of more "targeting" and diversification of social support. It is noted that the desire of the French authorities to intensify the implementation of "republican values" in the consciousness of the suburbs inhabitants is based on strong reasons. In recent years researchers are observing a tendency to "re-islamization" of young people, immigrants and their descendants, who mainly live in the suburbs of large cities. Exclusion from the economic life of this category of Muslims, particularly youth, its social marginalization contributed to increased influence of religious ideology, often in its radical forms. The authors draw the conclusion that the authorities were forced to look for ways to reduce costs, including in the social sphere. It was not a curtailing of social guarantees but granting more flexibility to this system, the transfer of the gravity center from the payment of benefits to unemployed to encouraging labor activity. There is a desire for greater diversification and targeting of social support. At the same time the state social guarantees to provide a decent life for all citizens have been expanded.


2021 ◽  
pp. 026858092199451
Author(s):  
Adrian Scribano

The social sciences in Latin America have always had a special connection with the study and analysis of the place of emotions in the social structuration processes. The aim of this article is to offer a synthetic exposition of some inquiries about emotions and the politics of sensibilities in Latin America, emphasizing those that are being felt in the context of the COVID-19 pandemic. To achieve this objective, first we offer a synthesis of the theoretical and methodological points that will guide the interpretation; then we draw on pre-existing inquiries and surveys which allow us to capture the state of sensibilities before and during the pandemic in the region; and finally some conclusions are presented. The work is based on a multi-method approach, where qualitative and quantitative secondary and primary data are articulated in tandem.


1981 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 309-335 ◽  
Author(s):  
Micheline Plasse

This article first presents a brief survey of the role and functions filled by the personal aide (chef de cabinet) of a minister in Quebec. The analysis continues, in a comparative perspective, by tracing a sociological and professional portrait of the Liberal“chefs de cabinet” in April 1976 and their successors in the pequiste government in July 1977.We then test the hypothesis that the cleavage between the government and the dominant economic forces has increased since November 15, 1976 as a result of the ideology articulated by the“chefs de cabinet” regarding the social and economic aims of the state. This hypothesis was confirmed.The hypothesis that the pequiste“chefs de cabinet” exercise a more pronounced influence on the decision-making process is also confirmed. Nevertheless, one cannot argue that the pequiste“chefs de cabinet” usurped the power of the legislators; their influence is more political than technocratic. The growing influence of the pequiste“chefs de cabinet” neverthelsss helps to accentuate the tensions and conflicts between the higher civil service and the ministerial aides.


2021 ◽  

This volume examines Arnold Gehlen’s theory of the state from his philosophy of the state in the 1920s via his political and cultural anthropology to his impressive critique of the post-war welfare state. The systematic analyses the book contains by leading scholars in the social sciences and the humanities examine the interplay between the theory and history of the state with reference to the broader context of the history of ideas. Students and researchers as well as other readers interested in this subject will find this book offers an informative overview of how one of the most wide-ranging and profound thinkers of the twentieth century understands the state. With contributions by Oliver Agard, Heike Delitz, Joachim Fischer, Andreas Höntsch, Tim Huyeng, Rastko Jovanov, Frank Kannetzky, Christine Magerski, Zeljko Radinkovic, Karl-Siegbert Rehberg and Christian Steuerwald.


2007 ◽  
Vol 28 (1) ◽  
pp. 33-54
Author(s):  
Antonio P. Contreras

This paper inquires into the implications of the different discursive imaginations on civil societies and the state from the perspective of the social sciences, particularly political science and international relations. It focuses on some interfaces and tensions that exist between civil society on one hand, and the state and its bureaucratic instrumentalities on the other, particularly in the domain of environment and natural resources governance in the context of new regionalisms and of alternative concepts of human security. There is now a new context for regionalism in Southeast Asia, not only among state structures, such as the ASEAN and the various Mekong bodies, but also among local civil societies coming from the region. It is in this context that issues confronting local communities are given a new sphere for interaction, as well as a new platform for engaging state structures and processes. This paper illustrates how dynamic are the possibilities for non-state domains for transnational interactions, particularly in the context of the emerging environmental regionalism. This occurs despite the dominance of neo-realist political theorizing, and the state-centric nature of international interactions.


2004 ◽  
Vol 43 (1) ◽  
pp. 95-98 ◽  
Author(s):  
Faiz Bilquees

Commissioned by the Council of Social Sciences (COSS), this volume evaluates the seventeen social sciences departments in the public universities in Pakistan for a given set of parameters. The social sciences departments or the topics covered in this volume and their respective authors include: Teaching of International Relations in Pakistani Universities (Rasul Bakhsh Rais); Development of the Discipline of Political Science in Pakistan (Inayatullah); The Development of Strategic Studies in Pakistan (Ayesha Siddiqa); The State of Educational Discourse in Pakistan (Rubina Saigol); Development of Philosophy as a Discipline (Mohammad Ashraf Adeel); The State of the Discipline of Psychology in Public Universities in Pakistan: A Review (Muhammad Pervez and Kamran Ahmad); Development of Economics as a Discipline in Pakistan (Karamat Ali); Sociology in Pakistan: A Review of Progress (Muhammad Hafeez); Anthropology in Pakistan: The State of [sic] Discipline (Nadeem Omar Tarar); Development of the Discipline of History in Pakistan (Mubarak Ali); The Discipline of Public Administration in Pakistan (Zafar Iqbal Jadoon and Nasira Jabeen); Journalism and Mass Communication (Mehdi Hasan); Area Studies in Pakistan: An Assessment (Muhammad Islam); Pakistan Studies: A Subject of the State, and the State of the Subject (Syed Jaffar Ahmed); The State of the Discipline of Women’s Studies in Pakistan (Rubina Saigol); Peace and Conflict Resolution Studies (Moonis Ahmar and Farhan H. Siddiqi); and Linguistics in Pakistan: A Survey of the Contemporary Situation (Tariq Rahman).


Author(s):  
Luana Faria Medeiros

POLITICAL GEOGRAPHY AND THE MINERAL SECTOR: the legislative propositions that impact the management of the territories with mining in the state of Pará – 2011 to 2016GEOGRAFÍA POLÍTICA Y EL SECTOR MINERO: las proposiciones legislativas que impactan la gestión de los territorios con la minería en el estado de Pará – 2011 a 2016O presente trabalho tem o objetivo de resgatar o campo da política na Geografia, no contexto da atividade mineral no estado do Pará, principalmente diante de vários entendimentos de que os conflitos de interesses nas sociedades e nos territórios se resolvem também pelo viés político; partindo de uma leitura teórica do conceito de território, poder e política, onde essa tríade será determinante para o entendimento das proposições legislativas dos anos de 2011 a 2016 voltadas para a mineração, e da análise da gestão política e territorial no setor mineral paraense e seus impactos na sociedade a partir das políticas públicas. A relevância da pesquisa está no aspecto político que envolve a tomada de decisão que é essencialmente importante nas relações sociais de poder do Governo do Estado do Pará que, materializadas, causam impactos no território com mineração, sobretudo na utilização da taxa mineral, instrumento regulador de ação no território.Palavras-chave: Território; Poder; Política; Mineração.ABSTRACTThe present work aims to redeem the field of politics in geography, in the context of the mineral activity in the state of Pará, mainly faced with various understanding that conflicts of interests in societies and territories also resolve by bias Political; Starting from a theoretical reading of the concept of territory, power and politics, where this triad will be decisive for the understanding of the legislative propositions of the years of 2011 to 2016 focused on mining, and the analysis of the political and territorial management in the mineral sector Pará and Its impacts on society from public Policy. The relevance of the research is in the political aspect which involves the decision making which is essentially important in the social relations of the Government of the state of Pará that, materialized, cause impacts on the territory with mining, especially in the use of the mineral rate, Action-regulating instrument in the territory.Keywords: Territory; Power; Policy; Mining.RESUMEN El presente trabajo pretende redimir el campo de la política en geografía, en el contexto de la actividad minera en el estado de Pará, frente principalmente a diversos entendimientos de que los conflictos de intereses en sociedades y territorios también se resuelven por sesgo Política. A partir de una lectura teórica del concepto de territorio, poder y política, donde esta tríada será decisiva para la comprensión de las proposiciones legislativas de los años de 2011 a 2016 se centró en la minería, y el análisis de la gestión política y territorial en el sector minero de Pará y Sus impactos en la sociedad de la política pública. La relevancia de la investigación está en el aspecto político que implica la toma de decisiones que es esencialmente importante en las relaciones sociales del gobierno del estado de Pará que, materializadas, causan impactos en el territorio con la minería, especialmente en el uso de la tasa mineral, Instrumento de regulación de la acción en el territorio.Palabras clave: Territorio; Poder; Política; Minería.


2017 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 283
Author(s):  
Imam Sukardi

The political concept of Alfarabi is derivated from the concept of Platonic, Aristotelian, and Islam. The ideal state is the state which is elaborated the universal values of humanism, not just limited to certain ethnic and nation which is emphasizing its obedience just to God, not the something else. In this paper, the writer tried to interpret the original works of Alfarabi which is directly related to his political thought and the other thinkers who are studying his political thought. In his political thought, Alfarabi emphasized that the main purpose of the state is to make the social-welfare for its citizens. Based on the organic theory, Alfarabi stated that the government of the state is just look-like the human organism system. In which, each of the existing element functioned to strengthen each other to achieve one goal. The ideal state for Alfarabi is the state which is having the goals for its citizen welfare, and who become the prime leader is a philosopher, who is having the prophetic character, having the wider knowledge, and able to communicate with al 'aql al fa’al trough al ‘aql mustafad. 


2021 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 13
Author(s):  
Devin Devin ◽  
Giovanni Pranata ◽  
Johannes Susanto

During this pandemic, cycling has become an increasingly popular activity in Indonesian society. more and more people are flocking to bike. The reasons are also various, some are cycling to avoid cramming on public transportation for fear of contracting the corona virus, some are aimed only at eliminating boredom while doing Work From Home (WFH). Cycling also has many benefits including reducing stress, reducing the risk of degenerative desease, controlling body weight, and increasing body strength, balance and muscle coordination. However, there are still many problems with free space on the bicycle paths in the Jakarta area. One of the problems on bicycle paths that is often encountered is the difficulty of making the bicycle paths become steering due to several reasons. Therefore, this study aims to determine the level of satisfaction of the people of Jakarta, especially bicycle lane users to the bicycle lanes that have been provided by the Government. This research was conducted directly by observing the research location. And distribute questionnaires to the public to determine the level of respondent satisfaction. Processing of data analysis used descriptive statistical methods with the help of the application of the Statistical Package for the Social Sciences (SPSS).ABSTRAKDi masa pandemi ini, bersepeda menjadi kegiatan yang makin populer di lakukan oleh masyrakat Indonesia. semakin banyak orang berbondong-bondong untuk bersepeda. Alasannya pun beragam ada yang bersepeda untuk menghindari berdesakan di kendaraan umum karena takut tertular virus corona ada pula yang bertujuan hanya untuk menghilangkan kejenuhan selama melakukan Work From Home (WFH). Bersepeda juga memiliki banyak manfaat diantaranya adalah mengurangi stres, mengurangi risiko penyakit degeneratif, mengandalikan berat badan, dan meningkatkan kekuatan, keseimbangan, dan koordinasi otot tubuh. Akan tetapi masih terdapat banyak masalah pada lajur sepeda yang ada di kawasan jakarta ini. Salah satu masalah pada lajur sepeda yang sering dijumpai adalah sulitnya membuat lajur sepeda menjadi stelir dikarenakan oleh beberapa hal. Oleh sebab itu penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengetahui tingkat kepuasan masyarakat jakarta khususnya para pengguna lajur sepeda terhadap lajur sepeda yang telah disediakan oleh Pemerintah. Penelitian ini dilakukan secara langsung dengan melakukan pengamatan di lokasi penelitian dan membagikan kuesioner kepada masyarakat untuk mengetahui tingkat kepuasan responden. Pengolahan analisis data menggunakan metode statistika deskriptif dengan bantuan aplikasi Statistical Package for the Social Sciences (SPSS).


2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (2-1) ◽  
pp. 62-91
Author(s):  
Irina Zhezhko-Braun ◽  

This article is the third and final in a series dealing with the birth of a new political elite in the United States, the minority elite. In previous articles, the mechanism of its appearance was analyzed, as well as its ideology, goals, program and values. The black movement, as the most co-organized of all protest movements, is entering the final phase of its development, being engaged in the placement of its representatives in state and federal governments, political parties and other social institutions. The women’s movement has recently been taken over by ethnic movements, primarily blacks, and has become their vanguard. This article describes new social elevators for the promotion of minority representatives into the corridors of power. The logic of promoting people of their own race, gender and nationality to the highest branches of power began to prevail over other criteria for recruiting personnel. During the 2020 election campaign, a new mechanism for promoting minorities in all branches of government was formed. It is based on numerous violations of local and federal electoral legislation. The mechanism of pressure on the US electoral system is analyzed using the example of the state of Georgia and the activities of politician Stacey Abrams. The article describes Abrams’ strategy to create a network of NGOs that are focused on one mission - to arrange for the political shift of the state in the elections. These organizations circumvented existing laws, making the state of Georgia the record holder for electoral irregularities and lawsuits. The article shows that Abrams’ struggle with the electoral laws of her state is based on the political myth of the voter suppression of minorities. The author identifies a number of common characteristics of the new elite. The minority elite does not show any interest in social reconciliation and overcoming racial conflict, but rather makes efforts to incite the latter, to attract the government to its side and increase its role in establishing “social justice” through racial quotas and infringement of the rights of those social strata that it has appointed bearers of systematic racism in society. As the colored elite increases and the government’s role in resolving racial conflicts grows, the minority movement is gradually condemned, it ceases to be a true grassroots movement and turns into astroturfing.


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