The Liberal Party and Gladstone's Land Purchase Bill of 1886

1989 ◽  
Vol 32 (3) ◽  
pp. 627-641 ◽  
Author(s):  
Graham D. Goodlad
Keyword(s):  
Social Order ◽  
Political Crisis ◽  
The Political ◽  
Home Rule ◽  
Policy Initiative ◽  
Liberal Party ◽  
First Time ◽  
Lengthy Treatment

It is hardly surprising that, for many years, historians of the political crisis of 1885–6 gave relatively little attention to the land purchase proposals which accompanied Gladstone's first Home Rule Bill. For the Land Purchase Bill progressed no further than its first reading on 16 April 1886, one week after that of its partner. Within weeks it was recognized by its sponsors as a political liability and, unlike the Home Rule Bill, never reached a parliamentary division. In recent years, there has been a re-evaluation of its significance as a policy initiative for Ireland. Two major works published in the centenary year of the crisis challenged Professor John Vincent's claim, in an article which appeared just over a decade ago, that the Land Bill was a ‘dummy’ whose place in Gladstone's scale of priorities was dictated by the exigencies of the parliamentary timetable and of internal cabinet manoeuvrings. Both Dr James Loughlin and Dr Alan O'Day see purchase as part of a coherent policy designed by Gladstone to tackle the problem of agrarian violence and to lay the foundations of a more secure social order in Ireland. For the first time, then, the content of the Bill has received serious and lengthy treatment. What remains to be discussed in some depth is its reception in the country in the spring and summer of 1886.

Politični položaj na Slovenskem leta 1919

2020 ◽  
Vol 20 (2020) (2) ◽  
pp. 359-394
Author(s):  
Jurij Perovšek
Keyword(s):  
State Government ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Liberal Party ◽  
New Era ◽  
Party Organisation ◽  
Western Border ◽  
Historical Phenomenon ◽  
First Time ◽  
Similar Development

For Slovenes in the Kingdom of the Serbs, Croats and Slovenes the year 1919 represented the final step to a new political beginning. With the end of the united all-Slovene liberal party organisation and the formation of separate liberal parties, the political party life faced a new era. Similar development was showing also in the Marxist camp. The Catholic camp was united. For the first time, Slovenes from all political camps took part in the state government politics and parliament work. They faced the diminishing of the independence, which was gained in the State of Slovenes, Croats and Serbs, and the mutual fight for its preservation or abolition. This was the beginning of national-political separations in the later Yugoslav state. The year 1919 was characterized also by the establishment of the Slovene university and early occurrences of social discontent. A declaration about the new historical phenomenon – Bolshevism, had to be made. While the region of Prekmurje was integrated to the new state, the questions of the Western border and the situation with Carinthia were not resolved. For the Slovene history, the year 1919 presents a multi-transitional year.

John Redmond and federalism in 1910

2001 ◽  
Vol 32 (127) ◽  
pp. 343-364 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael Wheatley
Keyword(s):  
Balance Of Power ◽  
Political Crisis ◽  
The Political ◽  
Home Rule ◽  
House Of Commons ◽  
Nationalist Movement ◽  
House Of Lords ◽  
Court Proceedings ◽  
Weekly Journal ◽  
Political Radicalism

In early August 1910 readers of Reynolds’s Newspaper, a radical weekly journal noted as much for its detailed coverage of divorce court proceedings as for its political radicalism (and in 1911 one of the ‘immoral’ English Sunday papers targeted by Irish ‘vigilance committees’), may have perused the weekly political column written by T.P. O’Connor. ‘T.P.’, the M.P. for Liverpool Scotland, was anything but a disinterested columnist, and with John Redmond, John Dillon and Joseph Devlin formed the inner leadership of the Irish Parliamentary Party and Ireland’s nationalist movement.Throughout the political crisis of early 1910 O’Connor had been the main London-based conduit for communications between the Irish Party and Asquith’s cabinet, and in particular Lloyd George and the Liberal chief whip, the Master of Elibank. The outcome of the January 1910 general election, which had given the balance of power in the House of Commons to the Irish nationalists, and John Redmond’s use of that power to force Asquith to act to end the veto powers of the House of Lords over parliamentary legislation, had enhanced both Redmond’s status in Ireland and the importance of home rule as an issue that had to be resolved.

scholarly journals INTRODUCTION

2008 ◽  
Vol 33 ◽  
pp. 1-77
Keyword(s):  
Critical Time ◽  
Self Determination ◽  
The Political ◽  
Home Rule ◽  
British Government ◽  
Liberal Party ◽  
Irish Nationalism ◽  
Critical Degree ◽  
Violent Action

It has been observed that generations of historians ‘have been chained to the task of explaining why Gladstone chose in 1885 to champion Irish claims’. Chief amongst these claims was that for national self-determination, an issue that was to determine the course of Anglo-Irish relations for the next forty years. It was, as one contemporary politician observed, ‘the pivot on which the political future turned’. This volume re-examines why, late in 1885, the leader of the Liberal Party embraced the idea of Irish home rule without securing the support of his party for this radical departure. In his recent biography of Gladstone, Richard Shannon admits that his subject's conviction that Irish home rule had become a matter of absolute urgency by mid-December 1885 ‘has always been something of a puzzle’, and he claims that ‘there is nothing in the records’ to indicate that Irish nationalism then threatened any ‘critical degree of violent action’ against the British government of Ireland. This book therefore examines the advice and information that Gladstone received about Ireland at this critical time. It casts light on communications and transactions that are only partly known in order to provide a fuller chronology of the first home rule episode, and so to help solve this puzzle.

‘Slovak, not Brussels Social Democracy’. Europeanization/De-Europeanization and the Ideological Development of Smer-SD Before 2020 Parliamentary Elections in Slovakia

2021 ◽  
Vol 28 (1) ◽  
pp. 37-58
Author(s):  
Juraj Marušiak
Keyword(s):  
Prime Minister ◽  
Social Democracy ◽  
Political Crisis ◽  
The Political ◽  
Internal Conflicts ◽  
Electoral Support ◽  
The Social ◽  
Political Challenge ◽  
First Time ◽  
New Situation

This paper is focused on the evolution of the ideology of Smer - Social Democracy (Smer-SD) party and its positions on European integration before the political elections in Slovakia in February 2020. As the ‘social-democratization’ of Smer-SD was the result of party’s Europeanization, the article explores the dimensions of de-Europeanization in the politics of this party in 2017–2020. Since 2006, Smer-SD has occupied a dominant position among political parties in Slovakia. However, a substantive decline in the electoral support of the party took place after 2016. Smer-SD faced a significant political challenge during the political crisis after the assassination of the journalist Ján Kuciak and his fiancée Martina Kušnírová in February 2018. The result was the resignation of Prime Minister Robert Fico. The appointment of party vice chairman Peter Pellegrini as Prime Minister created a new situation within the party, as for the first time the positions of Prime Minister and head of the party were separated. The political crisis in 2018 revealed the presence of internal conflicts within the party and the weakening of the authority of its chairman, Robert Fico. The establishment of two centres of power within the party resulted in competition between Fico and Pellegrini and, finally, in June 2020, a split, as Pellegrini announced the founding of a new political party.

Shock and Containment

2019 ◽  
pp. 148-166
Author(s):  
Joshua Cole
Keyword(s):  
Social Order ◽  
Jewish Population ◽  
Political Context ◽  
Political Crisis ◽  
The Political ◽  
Local Authorities ◽  
Muslim Population ◽  
The Public ◽  
Early Discussion

In the aftermath of the violence, local authorities moved quickly to assign blame, while the political establishment worked to contain the ensuing political crisis that had emerged from the breakdown of social order. The vulnerability of the Jewish population, visible at the public funeral of the victims the following week, and the embarrassment of the Prefecture at their inability to maintain control, dominated the early discussion of the riot and its immediate consequences. The chapter concludes with an analysis of the report prepared by the official investigating commission appointed by the Governor General’s office, which blamed an atmosphere of primitive religious fanaticism among Algeria’s Muslim population for the outbreak of violence, and refused to recognize the broader political context of the conflict.

Isaac Butt and the Home Rule Movement: A Study in Conservative Nationalism

1960 ◽  
Vol 22 (1) ◽  
pp. 72-95
Author(s):  
Lawrence J. McCaffrey
Keyword(s):  
Property Rights ◽  
Political Party ◽  
Balance Of Power ◽  
British History ◽  
The Political ◽  
Home Rule ◽  
House Of Commons ◽  
Liberal Party ◽  
House Of Lords ◽  
Eventual Collapse

The formation of the Irish Home Rule movement was a significant factor in influencing subsequent Irish and British history. Irish Federalism produced a political party that often controlled the balance of power in the House of Commons; split the Liberal party on the question of Irish self-government, a prelude to its eventual collapse; secured extensive agrarian reform for Irish tenant farmers, the first serious blow to traditional property rights in the British Isles; and was instrumental in destroying the political power of the House of Lords.

scholarly journals ROLE OF THE ARMY IN MODERN PAKISTAN

2014 ◽  
pp. 156-164
Author(s):  
V. V. Vorobiev
Keyword(s):  
Political Development ◽  
Political Crisis ◽  
The Political ◽  
Positive Trend ◽  
Democratic Development ◽  
Modern Period ◽  
The Status ◽  
The Military ◽  
First Time

The article studies the political development of the country in the modern period. Special attention is paid to the position of the army and its role in the Pakistani society. The article explores in detail the processes of gradual distancing of the army from politics and strengthening of civil society institutions. It is the first time in the Pakistani history that the civilian government managed to complete its full five-year constitutional term. Meanwhile, the country has been advancing on the path to democracy even after the elections 2013: a new civilian government has been formed in Pakistan. As compared with the previous phases of the country's development, the status of the army has considerably changed, evolved from "guiding force" to "shadow" guarantee of democratic development. The process has been largely encouraged by popular among officers feeling of tiredness: many of them are not ready to take power into their own hands and committed to their strictly constitutional duties. Despite this recent positive trend, the army continues to enjoy great authority in the society, often brokers political crisis and helps civilian authorities in settling such pressing problems as, for example, fight against extremism. The military will exert influence on government unless civil authorities are able to resist the current challenges and settle the actual problems. The role of "power broker" fully serves the interests of the top army brass.

La trahison des clercs: British intellectuals and the first home–rule crisis

1982 ◽  
Vol 23 (90) ◽  
pp. 134-173 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tom Dunne
Keyword(s):  
Civil Wars ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
Political Crisis ◽  
The Political ◽  
Late Nineteenth Century ◽  
Home Rule ◽  
Political Crises ◽  
Late Nineteenth ◽  
Irish Question ◽  
General Concern

In the early months of 1882 two of the writers who were to be prominent four years later in opposing Gladstone’s first Irish home-rule bill made similar complaints to correspondents about the state of British public opinion. ‘Less is thought of the Irish question than of the Australian cricketers’, wrote Goldwin Smith; while in characteristic vein, James Fitzjames Stephen waxed choleric about the ‘extravagant idiocy’ of a public obsessed with ‘Jumbo the elephant’, while ignoring ‘one of the most disgusting and brutally dangerous civil wars ever known in these islands’. Each had a particular reason to be preoccupied about Ireland. Smith’s pique was, in part at least, that of the ‘expert’ whose warnings and admonitions had gone unheeded, while Stephen lived part of each year on his small estate in County Louth. However, they also reflected a general concern among politicians and intellectuals which historians have tended to ignore or underestimate — a belief that trends and events in Ireland and the British response to them had serious implications for the future of Britain itself. The recent major study of the home-rule crisis of 1885-6 by Alistair Cooke and John Vincent is remarkable in British historiographical treatment of the Irish question only in the way in which the normal presuppositions are made explicit. Cooke and Vincent argue with admirable clarity, and in remarkable detail, that virtually none of the politicians involved in the crisis were concerned with the ostensible issues of the home-rule policy, each being exclusively concerned instead with exploiting the political crisis which Gladstone’s adoption of the policy (also purely for tactical political reasons) had created. This denial of any importance to ideological differences in political crises is a characteristic of the so-called ‘high politics’ school of historiography, and constitutes perhaps its most serious defect. It is reinforced in the case of the Irish home-rule crisis by the view that, as it was undoubtedly true that few among the political élite cared about Ireland as such, they were equally indifferent to the issues it raised. However, not alone can it be argued that there were important ideological dimensions to most political crises in late nineteenth-century Britain, there is considerable evidence to show that this was particularly true of those involving Irish questions, and of home rule above all.

States of conception: Renegotiating the mnemonic order amid crisis

2021 ◽  
Vol 14 (6) ◽  
pp. 1333-1346
Author(s):  
Kerry Whigham
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Social Order ◽  
The United States ◽  
The State ◽  
Political Order ◽  
State Of Exception ◽  
Political Crisis ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Past ◽  
Recent Memory

A memory breach is an action, statement, or sociopolitical crisis that calls into dispute the mnemonic order, which is defined as an underlying orientation toward the past that serves to justify the political order and social order within a society. Following a memory breach, the society enters a “state of conception.” Related to the “state of exception” commonly associated with political crisis, the state of conception is a liminal space that follows a memory breach in which a society reexamines the mnemonic order. This article examines three recent memory breaches in Argentina, Germany, and the United States. By comparing three different breaches, each with different outcomes, it offers a framework for understanding memory breaches and the states of conception that they produce.

The North American Innovations

2016 ◽  
Author(s):  
R. Bruce Mullin
Keyword(s):  
North American ◽  
Social Order ◽  
Significant Contribution ◽  
Political Crisis ◽  
The Political ◽  
Church Organization ◽  
Episcopal Church ◽  
The North ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Church

This chapter shows how the political crisis of the 1780s forced American Episcopalians in different directions, leading to a distinctive brand of Anglicanism. Anglicanism in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, especially through the work of the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel, saw itself as a unique creature in the social order coming from God and closely tied to its fealty to the crown. As tensions increased, northern and southern Anglicans chose diverging views, which were further flamed by the Revolution. As the war ended, many, led by William White, believed that national church organization must precede any request for bishops. In contrast, northern Episcopalians, particularly in Connecticut under Seabury, called for an early episcopacy and the organization of the church in a much more ecclesial order drawing on the model of the Episcopal Church in Scotland. The solving of this crisis by 1789 was a significant contribution to Anglicanism.

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