Rationing, austerity and the Conservative party recovery after 1945

1994 ◽  
Vol 37 (1) ◽  
pp. 173-197 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ina Zweiniger-Bargielowska
Keyword(s):  
Public Opinion ◽  
Political Power ◽  
Social Groups ◽  
Conservative Party ◽  
Final Part ◽  
Political Debate ◽  
The Third ◽  
The Social ◽  
Sustained Effort ◽  
The Right

ABSTRACTThe general election of 1945 is described as ‘the Waterloo of the Conservative party’. Yet, in 1951 the Conservatives returned to power and were to remain in office for thirteen years. The purpose of this article is to examine this transformation in electoral fortunes. Labour's defeat in 1951 is usually explained in terms of government fatigue, redistribution, and Liberal disintegration. It is argued here that the Conservative party was not just a passive beneficiary of these developments. Rather, the 1951 result was the outcome of a sustained effort since 1946 to regain the initiative and political power. The Conservatives were actively engaged in forging an anti-socialist coalition focused on disaffection with austerity, rationing and controls on which the party's recovery after 1945 is based.The discussion is divided into four sections. The first outlines the extent of shortages, establishes the significance of this issue in political debate, and identifies the social groups most affected. Part two traces the swing to the right from 1947 onwards and the third section explores Conservative propaganda in opposition to rationing, austerity and controls. The final part examines the party's assessment of the electoral task, its monitoring of public opinion, and the range of techniques employed to rally support.

Main Forms of Propagandistic Activities of the Right-Wing Parties (1904–1914)

2020 ◽  
Vol 102 ◽  
pp. 656-676
Author(s):  
Igor V. Omeliyanchuk
Keyword(s):  
20Th Century ◽  
Social Groups ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Periodical Press ◽  
Political Movement ◽  
The People ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Right ◽  
In The Beginning ◽  
The 19Th Century

The article examines the main forms and methods of agitation and propagandistic activities of monarchic parties in Russia in the beginning of the 20th century. Among them the author singles out such ones as periodical press, publication of books, brochures and flyers, organization of manifestations, religious processions, public prayers and funeral services, sending deputations to the monarch, organization of public lectures and readings for the people, as well as various philanthropic events. Using various forms of propagandistic activities the monarchists aspired to embrace all social groups and classes of the population in order to organize all-class and all-estate political movement in support of the autocracy. While they gained certain success in promoting their ideology, the Rights, nevertheless, lost to their adversaries from the radical opposition camp, as the monarchists constrained by their conservative ideology, could not promise immediate social and political changes to the population, and that fact was excessively used by their opponents. Moreover, the ideological paradigm of the Right camp expressed in the “Orthodoxy, Autocracy, Nationality” formula no longer agreed with the social and economic realities of Russia due to modernization processes that were underway in the country from the middle of the 19th century.

scholarly journals GURIAH LIMPAPEH

2018 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 218
Author(s):  
Intania Ananda Jonisa ◽  
Susas Rita Loravianti ◽  
Rasmida Rasmida
Keyword(s):  
Social Life ◽  
Open Space ◽  
Final Part ◽  
Behavior Patterns ◽  
Female Behavior ◽  
The Third ◽  
The Past ◽  
The Social ◽  
Main Medium ◽  
The Ideal

AbstrakKarya tari yang berjudul “Guriah Limpapeh” terinspirasi dari kehidupan sosial perempuan Minangkabau yang pengkarya amati di sekeliling pengkarya bersikap dan bertingkah laku tidak sesuai dengan etika idealnya perempuan Minangkabau. Dalam aplikasinya menginterpretasikan bergesernya nilai dan etika perempuan hari ini dan mengungkap nilai yang relevan dengan adat dan budaya Minangkabau. Dalam konsep gerak sebagai media utama tari pengkarya mengembangkan gerak yang relevan dengan konsep garapan, selain itu diperkuat dengan menggunakan drum sebagai properti dan setting. Karya ini digarap dalam tiga bahagian yakni pada bagian pertama menginterpretasikan tentang kehidupan dan aktivitas masyarakat di Kecamatan Matur, bahagian kedua menggambarkan perubahan memori pada dahulu dan zaman sekarang, kemudian bahagian ketiga menginterpretasikan bagaimana pola tingkah laku perempuan yang dalam adat Minangkabau yang disebut Simarewan dan Mambang Tali Awan yang menjadi konflik dalam garapan, sedangkan bagian endingnya adalah mengekspresikan idealnya perempuan Minangkabau yang disebut dengan Parampuan. Karya ini diperkuat dengan musik untuk memperkuat suasana, demikian juga elemen-elemen dan artistik lainnya untuk penampilannya memilih ruang terbuka atau outdoor. Kata Kunci: interpretasi, perempuan, adat MinangkabauAbstractThis work of dance entitled  as "Guriah Limpapeh" which is inspired from the social life of Minangkabau women, that the observed around the worker’s attitude and behaved not in accordance with the ideal ethics of Minangkabau women. In its application interpet the shifting values and ethics of women today and reveal values relevant to the customs and culture of Minangkabau. In the concept of motion as the main medium of the dance the developer develops a motion that is relevant to the concept of arable, besides being strengthened by using drums as property and settings. This work is worked on in three parts, namely in the first part of interpreting the life and activities of the community in the mature sub-district, the second part describes the change of memory in the past and present, then the third part interprets how the female behavior patterns in the Minangkabau tradition called simarewan and mambang tali awan  which becomes conflict in claim while the final part is expressing ideally the Minangkabau women who is called parampuan. This work is strengthened by music to strengthen the atmosphere, as well as other artistic and elements for his appearance in choosing open space or outdoor.Keywords: interpretation, women, adat Minangkabau.

scholarly journals POSTRZEGANIE ZWYCZAJÓW ODNOSZĄCYCH SIĘ DO OBOWIĄZKU ZACHOWANIA POUFNOŚCI W ARBITRAŻU. ANALIZA WYNIKÓW ANKIETY PRZEPROWADZONEJ PRZEZ SĄD ARBITRAŻOWY LEWIATAN WŚRÓD POLSKICH PRAKTYKÓW ARBITRAŻOWYCH

2016 ◽  
Vol 13 (3) ◽  
pp. 89
Author(s):  
Beata Gessel-Kalinowska vel Kalisz
Keyword(s):  
Public Opinion ◽  
Legal System ◽  
Uniform Norm ◽  
Professional Group ◽  
Controversial Issues ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Subject ◽  
The Right ◽  
Confidentiality And Privacy

THE PERCEPTION OF THE PRACTICE OF CONFIDENTIALITY IN ARBITRATION. AN ANALYSIS OF THE RESULTS OF A SURVEY CARRIED OUT BY THE LEWIATAN COURT OF ARBITRATION AMONG POLISH ARBITRATION PRACTITIONERS Summary As with numerous other systems of law, such as Norwegian, Swedish or Australian law, the Polish legal system does not have a clear and uniform norm of law governing confidentiality and privacy in arbitration. Public opinion frequently refers to the role of custom as the source of the obligation to preserve confidentiality, although usually it does so without a detailed analysis of the subject and object of this obligation. This fact provided the inspiration for a survey carried out among Polish arbitration practitioners. The results of the survey present an interesting picture of what is subjectively perceived by arbitration practitioners as forming part of the confidentiality canons in arbitration proceedings. In principle, they reflect the worldwide trends, i.e. as far as the object of the confidentiality obligation is concerned – in camera sessions and the confidentiality of awards, and as regards its subject – the confidentiality obligation imposed on arbitrators and arbitration institutions. In addition, the customary practice of keeping confidential any information obtained in the course of proceedings is perceived as the right conduct as far as the object of the obligation is concerned. One of the very controversial issues is the matter of parties’ responsibilities, which leads to further questions as to individual arbitrators’ membership of the social (professional) group known as “arbitration practitioners”.

scholarly journals Social representations of nursing students on the rights of health users

2020 ◽  
Vol 73 (6) ◽  
Author(s):  
Fernanda Duarte da Silva ◽  
Thémistoklis Apostolidis ◽  
Márcia de Assunção Ferreira
Keyword(s):  
Nursing Students ◽  
Undergraduate Education ◽  
Social Representations ◽  
Undergraduate Nursing Students ◽  
The Third ◽  
Undergraduate Nursing ◽  
Unified Health System ◽  
The Social ◽  
Eighth Grade Students ◽  
The Right

ABSTRACT Objective: To identify the social representations of undergraduate nursing students in the third and eighth term of the course on the rights of health users. Methods: Qualitative research using the framework of the structural approach to the Theory of Social Representations. A total of 92 students participated. The free evocation technique was used and data was processed in the EVOC software. Results: In the social representations of the third term students, words related to health policies were not observed, but there is an evaluation of the service in the institutions. Among the eighth-grade students, the concepts that support the policies of the Unified Health System are evident. Final considerations: There is a consolidation of the students’ knowledge throughout the course, with a more elaborated knowledge about the users’ right, supported by principles of the SUS. Undergraduate education is an important space for discussing the construction and exercise of citizenship, including the right to health.

scholarly journals European Union: From social integration to social state

2004 ◽  
Vol 56 (4) ◽  
pp. 447-464
Author(s):  
Luka Brkic
Keyword(s):  
Social Integration ◽  
Social Order ◽  
Common Knowledge ◽  
Political Influence ◽  
Political Debate ◽  
European Constitution ◽  
Social Standards ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Right ◽  
The Eu

This paper analyzes recent free trade arrangements from a positive political economy perspective. In contrast to most other literature, which fails to take into account geographical factors, it is argued here that proximity and transportation costs play an important role in trade arrangements. Another important also largely neglected factor is the degree of social cohesion in terms of labor standards among potential trading partners. Accepting social integration might also be a condition for admitting those countries to the agreement. Changes of trade policy over time can therefore be explained by changes in the relative political influence of the sectors considered. The other important factors are, of course, a change in the degree of retaliation, leading to lower tariffs under higher retaliation, and a leveling of social standards. Redistribution across countries could also considerably change the optimal rate of tariff. The EU with its regional cohesion funds might be a good example of how those are used as a side-payment for diminishing the social divergence in the member countries. Countries with higher standards should only be willing to integrate when others raise their social standards as well. The negotiations about the social protocol in the EU indicate that this is in fact the case. More than 40 years of European integration have led to an habituation of thinking of the European Community as something ideologically neutral, which transcends normal political debate. European issues, it seems, do not fit the structure of the usual right-left ideological controversy. The only open fault-line in European politics is between advocates of "more" and those of "less" integration. The paper explores the potential cognitive and political gains of a change of perspective. It argues that the issue of more or less integration is often not interesting in itself but only to the degree that it influences the content of policies. It further shows that the policies at stake are normally such, that they can be usefully debated in the right-left framework. The decision about the site of policy control - national or European - is often only the guise in which a decision about the redrawing of the boundary between market and state, between the sphere of competitive allocation and the sphere of political coordination, materializes. This paper aimed at stressing the fundamental differences between conventional and contractarian constitutional orders. To achieve it, we have used the concept of common knowledge and have related it to its political philosophy background, especially with regard to communication and induction. The former generates a spontaneous social order - it is an evolutionist view that belongs to the Hume - Menger - Hayek tradition. The latter produces a contractarian vision shared by the Brennan-Buchanan-Tullock tradition. We consider here a basic distinction between institutions and conventions. An institution is considered as a formal, explicit rule, while a convention appears to be a tacit, implicit agreement. The former can be associated with contractarian constitutionalism, whereas the latter is related to evolutionism. In this context, institutions should not be understood as formalized conventions (such as law in Hayek). They are rather the expression of a voluntary and deliberate agreement, of a covenant. The application describes features relevant to the development of a European constitution and the corresponding unified legal system. It requires a clear vision of what a European "state" is meant to be or become. Then, once a constitutional setting is chosen, one must address the question of legal organization, in particular the nature of administrative law. Two different acceptation of law are thus associated with the two concepts of convention and contractarian institution. The former can be regarded as customary rule a kind of common knowledge that emerges from tradition and sympathy. By contrast, the latter is the place of explicitly created common knowledge. If it is to become more integrated, Europe will have to tackle this constitutional question, either in an evolutionary or in a contractarian way.

The public sphere in the twilight zone of publicness

2021 ◽  
pp. 026732312110614
Author(s):  
Slavko Splichal
Keyword(s):  
Social Sciences ◽  
Public Sphere ◽  
Final Part ◽  
Twilight Zone ◽  
Social Scientists ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Third ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Public Sphere ◽  
Scholarly Discourse

The article discusses the reasons and conditions for the rise and fall of the popularity of the public sphere concept in scholarly discourse in four parts. The first part examines the peculiar circumstances of the emergence of the concept of the public sphere, and its rapid and widespread adoption in the social sciences. The second part discusses the complexity of the concept “Öffentlichkeit” and its English proxy “the public sphere,” and the contemporary critique of its ideological predispositions. The third part focuses on the liberalization and (operational) banalization of the concept. The final part suggests ways in which social scientists could respond critically to the challenges outlined earlier and reintegrate publicness, the public, and the public sphere into the analysis.

Pouvoir normatif et protection sociale dans les fédérations multinationales

2001 ◽  
Vol 16 (2) ◽  
pp. 137-171 ◽  
Author(s):  
Johanne Poirier
Keyword(s):  
Sense Of Belonging ◽  
Social Protection ◽  
Public Institutions ◽  
Cultural Dimension ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Federal States ◽  
Normative Power ◽  
The Third ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Right

AbstractIn multinational polities, different orders of government are involved in determining the norms of social protection. In this context, this article addresses the question of who does what, how and why. The first section deals with the distribution of normative power concerning social protection in federal states and in the European Union. The second section examines a variety of devices enabling the articulation of shared power. Finally, a third section concentrates on the different functions of normative power in the social domain. The first one is obviously redistributive. Secondly, the exercise of normative power legitimises public institutions of all government levels involved. The third function, which is of particular interest in the context of multinational States (or political spaces such as Europe) consists in the consolidation of citizenship. The solidarity inherent in norms of social protection reflects the sense of belonging to a particular social group, and in this context, the nation. It can also serve to strengthen the sense of belonging to the larger political space, the multinational federation. In complex political structures, the power to establish norms of social protection contributes to the phenomenon of multiple loyalties and overlapping citizenship. Cementing citizenship in such a political context cannot succeed through homogenisation, but must respect the cultural dimension of social protection and the right to be different.

scholarly journals HERMENEUTIKA NASHR HAMID ABU ZAYD: Analisis Hadis-Hadis Perceraian

2021 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 45
Author(s):  
Taufik Kurahman
Keyword(s):  
Cultural Context ◽  
Human Right ◽  
Men And Women ◽  
The Third ◽  
External Context ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Right ◽  
Language Context ◽  
Internal Context

<p class="06IsiAbstrak"><span lang="EN-GB">Perceraian tentu tidak diharapkan oleh keluarga mana pun, kecuali jika memang keadaan telah mendesak. Bahkan, Nabi menjelaskan bahwa meskipun perceraian adalah perkara yang diperbolehkan, namun ia merupakan masalah yang paling dibenci Tuhan. Dua persoalan yang selalu dibahas adalah tentang hak mengajukan perceraian dan konsep talak tiga, yang hingga kini dirasa lebih menguntungkan pihak suami. Artikel ini bertujuan mengkaji kembali beragam hal pokok dalam masalah perceraian yang berkaitan dengan tatanan masyarakat modern. Beberapa masalah yang dimaksud adalah hak menginisiasi perceraian, maksud talak tiga, dan rujuk. Hermeneutika Nashr Hamid Abu Zayd digunakan sebagai pisau bedahnya. Penggunaan hermeneutika Abu Zayd dalam masalah perceraian dianggap sesuai karena hermeneutikanya dikembangkan untuk menjawab kesenjangan-kesenjangan sosial dan HAM, khususnya hal-hal yang berkaitan antara laki-laki dan perempuan, sebagaimana yang dicontohkannya dalam masalah poligami dan hak waris. Dengan menggunakan teori lima konteks hermeneutika Abu Zayd, yaitu konteks sosio-kultural, konteks eksternal, konteks internal, konteks bahasa, dan konteks takwil, penelitian menghasilkan kesimpulan bahwa Islam tidak menghendaki perceraian. Bahkan, dalam bahasa yang lebih ekstrim, dapat dikatakan bahwa perceraian dilarang dalam agama Islam. Nas-nas Islami menunjukkan bagaimana perceraian menjadi pilihan terakhir bagi hubungan suami-istri.</span></p><p class="06IsiAbstrak">[</p><p class="06IsiAbstrak"><strong><span lang="EN-GB">Nashr Hamid Abu Zayd’s Hermeneutics: Analysis Hadiths of Divorce. </span></strong><span lang="EN-GB">It is not expected by any family, unless the circumstances have been urgent. The Prophet explained that although divorce is a permissible issue, it is a decision that God hates the most. Two issue that are always discussed by scholar in this issue are the right to file for divorce and the concept of “talak tiga” (the third divorcing), which is considered favor husbands over wifes. The article was written to reexamine various main divorce issues in modern views. Some of the probles are the right to file for divorce, the purpose of talak tiga, and the reconciliation. For these purposes, the author uses Nashr Hamid Abu Zayd’s hermeneutics as a approach. The use of Abu Zayd’s hermeneutics is divorce issues is approriate, because his hermeneutics were developed to address the social and human right gaps, especially issues relating to men and women, as he exemplified in the problem of polygamy and inhertance rights. By using Abu Zayd’s theory of five hermeneutical contexts, namely the socio-cultural context, external context, internal context, language context, and takwil context, the research resulted in the conclusion that Islam does not want the divorce happen. Even, it can be said that divorce is prohibitted in Islam. Islamic texts show how divorce is the last option for a marriage relationship.</span>]</p>

UK Politics

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andrew Blick
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Public Opinion ◽  
Local Government ◽  
Party System ◽  
Final Part ◽  
Historical Knowledge ◽  
The Third ◽  
The World ◽  
Key Concepts ◽  
The Uk

UK Politics gives an introduction to this subject, providing the foundational understanding, critical perspectives, and historical knowledge needed to make sense of politics in the UK today. Part I looks at the way people are governed in the UK. This includes an analysis of the Cabinet and the Prime Minster, parliament, and the UK and human rights. Part 2 looks at how people participate in politics through examining the party system, elections, and voting. It also considers the issue of referendums. The third part is about how society affects UK politics. This part of the text examines communication and public opinion and considers identity, equality, and power. The final part is about the UK relates to the rest of the world. The key concepts here are devolution, local government, the nations and the union, and the outside world.

“Farewell, Saigon, I Promise I Will Return”

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Phuong Tran Nguyen
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Public Opinion ◽  
Social Work ◽  
The United States ◽  
Vietnamese Americans ◽  
Boat People ◽  
Open Sea ◽  
The Social ◽  
Cast Doubt ◽  
The Right

This chapter’s subtitle focuses on the social work performed by artists, journalists, and activists, who, during the late 1970s, comforted grieving souls through the construction of a refugee cultural identity and community, specifically as the true patriots whose flight from communism and testimony later on revealed what really happened after 1975. Beginning with the boat people exodus in the late 1970s, worldwide public opinion, which had vilified the South Vietnamese as losers of the war and obstacles to revolution, began to view the winners of the postwar. Their willingness to risk their lives on the open sea cast doubt on Hanoi’s revolutionary promises, and, through bipartisan support for the plight of the boat people, enabled the United States and Vietnamese Americans to cast themselves on the right side of history in ways never possible during the war itself.

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