scholarly journals ‘Land for Those Who Work It’: A Visual Analysis of Agrarian Reform Posters in Velasco's Peru

2012 ◽  
Vol 44 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-37 ◽  
Author(s):  
ANNA CANT

AbstractLatin American military dictatorships of the twentieth century were often right-wing, elitist and violent. A marked exception was the left-wing Peruvian military government of Juan Velasco Alvarado. More exceptional still was the government's use of visual media. Between 1968 and 1970 it produced approximately 20 posters, printed in editions of 50,000 to 200,000, to promote the radical Agrarian Reform Law. These posters provide vibrant representations of the agrarian reform's ideological aspects, which have been under-studied. A detailed exploration of visual communication shows that the government deployed aesthetically sophisticated propaganda and symbols to encourage social participation in the reform.

1979 ◽  
Vol 21 (3) ◽  
pp. 369-393 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dennis Gilbert

In the early morning hours of July 27, 1974, the military government of Peru employed riot police to seize control of the country's principal daily newspapers. The government announced that the newspapers were being transferred to independent organizations representative of broad sectors of Peruvian society. Peru's “Revolutionary Government of the Armed Forces,” which came to power in 1968, had already surprised students of the Latin American military with a series of radical measures which included an extensive land reform, the expropriation of a number of foreign companies, reorganization of the financial sector, and the creation of a system of worker control for industry. Now President Juan Velasco Alvarado presented the press takeover as an integral part of a fundamental reordering of the existing society along progressive nationalist lines.


2021 ◽  
Vol 54 (1) ◽  
pp. 163-185
Author(s):  
Sung Min Han ◽  
Mi Jeong Shin

AbstractIn this article, we argue that rising housing prices increase voter approval of incumbent governments because such a rise increases personal wealth, which leads to greater voter satisfaction. This effect is strongest under right-wing governments because those who benefit from rising prices—homeowners—are more likely to be right-leaning. Non-homeowners, who are more likely to vote for left-leaning parties, will view rising housing prices as a disadvantage and therefore feel the government does not serve them well, which will mitigate the advantage to left-wing governments. We find support for our arguments using both macro-level data (housing prices and government approval ratings in 16 industrialized countries between 1960 and 2017) and micro-level data (housing prices and individuals’ vote choices in the United Kingdom using the British Household Panel Survey). The findings imply that housing booms benefit incumbent governments generally and right-wing ones in particular.


2018 ◽  
Vol 9 (4) ◽  
pp. 571-597 ◽  
Author(s):  
Helmut Gruber

Abstract This paper investigates the reference statements and rhetorical functions of politicians’ reactive (“uptaking”) statements in parliamentary debates as well as their self-positioning effects. Uptaking moves may be used by speakers for pursuing strategic, global discourse aims. The specific properties of such ‘uptaking’ utterances and their sequential embedding in the unfolding discourse provide analysts with cues of speakers’ global interactional goals. Results indeed show how global and local pragmatic factors impact content, form, and rhetorical function of MPs’ uptaking statements. The data comprises four Austrian parliamentary sessions, which follow the inaugural speech each newly appointed Austrian chancellor has to deliver in the Austrian national assembly at the beginning of a legislative term. Overall, four fifths of the uptaking discourse units (consisting of ‘reference to previous statement plus comment’) refer to the government program, the inaugural speech or a previous MPs’ statement. Whereas a closer investigation of the reference statements seems to indicate a left wing vs. right wing rhetorical pattern (with left wing and center parties referring to ‘official’ sources, while right wing parties set their own topical agenda), investigating the rhetorical functions of the uptaking discourse units reveals a clear government vs. opposition (but no party-specific) rhetoric: Government party MPs praise the government program (or the inaugural speech), opposition party speakers criticize it. Both groups thus focus on the interpersonal plain of interaction. In contrast, argumentative (or counter-argumentative) uptaking discourse units which would indicate speakers’ willingness to enter into a rational discourse (in a Habermasian sense) with their political opponents are extremely rare. Through their rhetorical activities, the vast majority of government and opposition speakers thus reinforce and perpetuate already known political stances and affiliations in front of a third party (i.e. the general public watching the debates via TV or Internet livestream) rather than presenting themselves as rational, problem-focused politicians.


Author(s):  
Brian E. Loveman

Latin America’s armed forces have played a central role in the region’s political history. This selective annotated bibliography focuses on key sources, with varying theoretical, empirical, and normative treatments of the military governments in the region, from the Cuban Revolution (1959) until the end of the Cold War (1989–1990). The article is limited to those cases in which military governments or “civil-military” governments were in power. This excludes personalist dictatorships, party dictatorships, and civilian governments in which the armed forces exercised considerable influence but did not rule directly. No pretense is made of comprehensiveness or of treating the “causes” of military coups (a vast literature) and of civil-military relations under civilian governments. Likewise, the closely related topics of guerrilla movements during this period, human rights violations under the military governments, US policy and support for many of the military governments, and the transitions back to civilian government (including “transitional justice”) are not covered in depth, but some of the selections do treat these topics and direct the reader to a more extensive literature on these subjects. Long-term military governments, with changing leadership in most cases, controlled eleven Latin American nations for significant periods from 1964 to 1990: Ecuador, 1963–1966 and 1972–1978; Guatemala, 1963–1985 (with an interlude from 1966–1969); Brazil, 1964–1985; Bolivia, 1964–1970 and 1971–1982; Argentina, 1966–1973 and 1976–1983; Peru, 1968–1980; Panama, 1968–1989; Honduras, 1963–1966 and 1972–1982; Chile, 1973–1990; and Uruguay, 1973–1984. In El Salvador the military dominated the government from 1948 until 1984, but the last “episode” was from 1979 to 1984. Military governments, though inevitably authoritarian, implemented varying economic, social, and foreign policies. They had staunch supporters and intense opponents, and they were usually subject to internal factionalism and ideological as well as policy disagreements. The sources discussed in this article reflect that diversity.


1964 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 203-220 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jack Ray Thomas

By Latin-American standards, Chile has enjoyed a remarkably stable government. Yet, there have been significant intervals of political unrest marked by violence and internal disorder. At both the beginning and the end of the nineteenth century, Liberals and Conservatives clashed in bloody battles, opening wounds that festered for many years. In the early decades of the twentieth century, the military revolted three times in the space of eight years (1924-1932) in order to promote social reform. Marmaduke Grove Vallejo figured prominently in these events, first as a participant in the January uprising of 1925, later as an opponent of the dictatorship of Carlos Ibáñez del Campo, and finally as a leader of the military forces that overthrew the government of Juan Esteban Montero Rodríguez and established the Socialist Republic of Chile.


2013 ◽  
Vol 11 (3) ◽  
pp. 893-895
Author(s):  
William E. Scheuerman

This volume's provocative title recalls a substantial early-twentieth-century literature, spawned by interwar economic instability and the ascent of seemingly thriving authoritarian systems (e.g., fascism and Stalinism), which struggled to explain the fragility of liberal political and economic ideals both at home and abroad. Taking right-wing (e.g., Carl Schmitt's Crisis of Parliamentary Democracy [1928]) as well as left-wing (e.g., Harold Laski's Democracy in Crisis [1931]) forms, that genre combined insights from the latest social scientific scholarship with perceptive and oftentimes prescient political observations. Although we now know that it too often understated liberalism's potential for reform and renewal, abandoning sound analysis for apocalyptic aperçus, that literature sometimes creatively identified liberalism's own internal contradictions as the source of what was then frequently described as “the crisis of our times.”


2018 ◽  
Vol 4 (02) ◽  
pp. 157-172
Author(s):  
Raden Muhammad Angga Darmawan ◽  
Wirania Swasty

AbstrakSaat ini produk mebel di Indonesia sudah diakui oleh dunia dan kegiatan industri mebel di Indonesia sendiri mendapat dukungan penuh dari pemerintah dengan mengadakan pameran dan penyuluhan bagi pelaku industri mebel di Indonesia, hal ini tentu merupakan kabar baik bagi para pelaku industri mebel. Dengan besarnya jumlah masyarakat Indonesia dan perekonomian yang terus maju tentu kebutuhan mebel akan semakin meningkat. CV. Kinandang adalah salah satu penyedia jasa pembuatan produk mebel di Jakarta, namun perusahaan ini mengalami banyak masalah dengan identitas visual dan media promosinya yang menyebabkan turunnya penjualan dan menghambat kelangsungan perusahaan. Dengan melakukan pengumpulan data dengan cara wawancara, observasi dan melakukan analisis PEST, SWOT, dan analisis visual menggunakan matriks perbandingan yang akan menemukan titik masalah dan penyelesaiannya yang diharapkan akan membuat perusahaan semakin maju. Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk memperbaiki sistem identitas visual dan media promosi CV. Kinandang dengan membangun identitas visual yang baik agar mudah tertanam di benak konsumen, media promosi yang akan dirancang akan disesuaikan dengan identitas visual perusahaan dari segi warna, tata letak, konsep dan jenis hurufnya yang akan diterapkan pada media cetak dan online. Hal ini dilakukan untuk membangun citra baru pada CV. Kinandang dengan harapan akan mengeluarkan perusahaan dari masalah yang sedang dihadapi. Kata kunci : CV. Kinandang, identitas visual, media promosi, peningkatan penjualan. AbstractCurrently, furniture products in Indonesia have been recognized by the world and furniture industry activities in Indonesia itself has the full support of the government by holding exhibitions and counseling for the furniture industry in Indonesia. This is certainly good news for the furniture industry. With the large number of people of Indonesia and the economy that continues to advance the furniture needs will increase. CV. Kinandang is one of the leading providers of furniture products in Jakarta, but the company is facing a lot of problems with its visual identity and promotional media that cause sales drops and corporate unsustainability. By conducting information collection by interviewing, observing and analyzing PEST, SWOT, and visual analysis using comparison matrix which will find the point of problem and its completion which hopefully will make the company progress more. This study aims to improve the system of visual identity and promotion media CV. Kinandang by building a good visual identity to be easily embedded in the minds of consumers, the media campaign will be designed will be tailored to the company's visual identity in terms of color, layout, concepts and fonts that will be applied to print and online media. This is done to build a new image on the CV. Kinandang in the hope of expelling the company from the problem at hand. Keywords: CV. Kinandang, visual identity and promotional media, sales increase.


Monitor ISH ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 20 (1) ◽  
pp. 7-31
Author(s):  
Igor Grdina

The paper discusses various interpretative strategies and narratives applied to the role which was played by Alexander Fyodorovich Kerensky (1881–1970) in the Russian Revolution. It critically evaluates views of the provisional government’s president as a non-radical revolutionary, whose work called for an upgrade in a ‘second revolution’, as well as the interpretation which makes him out to have been a counter-revolutionary at his core. Tracing the causes of his actions in 1917 to his personality traits, the study arrives at the conclusion that Kerensky was a revolutionary of an entirely different breed from those who removed him from power in October 1917; for him, the ‘first revolution’ was enough. The contribution also examines those of Kerensky’s actions which benefited his left-wing opponents, particularly his policy of disassembling the government apparatus out of fear of the right-wing enemy.


Gesnerus ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 77 (1) ◽  
pp. 102-122
Author(s):  
Hadrien Buclin

In 1974, the Swiss citizens voted against a popular initiative aimed at reforming the health insurance, launched by the Swiss Socialist Party. They refused as well a less ambitious counter-proposal elaborated by the government. This failure of the left-wing reformers is worthy of interest. This was, indeed, the main attempt until now to implement a healthcare subsidization based on social funding that would provide a wide risk coverage. In fact, shortly after the vote, the emerging economic crisis rather reinforced the advocates of a limitation of social welfare benefits. This durably hindered the political Left’s hopes of transforming in depth the Swiss healthcare system. The 1974 failure of the socialist initiative thus contributed to strengthen the conservative model, which received support from right-wing forces and the business community.


Significance Months of negotiations between the government, parliament and EU member states on the Netherlands’ approval of the EU-Ukraine Association Agreement -- which Dutch voters rejected in a referendum last April -- damaged the electoral prospects of Rutte's Liberal Party (VVD). However, he reached a provisional deal in December. His success in temporarily parking this contentious issue comes amid the unfolding of a two-party race between the VVD and the PVV in the final weeks before the elections on March 15. Impacts If the VVD stays in power for another term, a referendum on EU membership is highly unlikely. The VVD’s tougher stance on immigration and integration could attract right-wing voters and make it a more tempered alternative to the PVV. The Labour Party may shift its focus from economic to social issues to differentiate itself from the VVD and attract left-wing voters.


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