From Lash to Red Star: the pitfalls of counter-insurgency in Ethiopia, 1980–82

2002 ◽  
Vol 40 (3) ◽  
pp. 465-498 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gebru Tareke
Keyword(s):  
Civil Wars ◽  
Large Scale ◽  
Cold Test ◽  
Economic Incentives ◽  
The State ◽  
The Government ◽  
Northern Territories ◽  
Military Victory ◽  
Single Counter

By 1980, Ethiopia was gripped in escalating civil wars. After a series of punitive expeditions had failed to suppress them, the government organised large-scale operations in the early 1980s against the insurgencies in the eastern and northern territories. The operations seemed to have been informed by what is called ‘total strategy’. Although the emphasis was on the coercive component, the state also used psychological and economic incentives. The results were mixed. The eastern rebels were defeated more easily because they were factious. The northern campaign failed because of the rebels' staunchness and the terrain's unsuitability. In a cold test of wills, the Eritrean fighters not only held the offensive to a stalemate, but also went on to win total military victory. Same strategy, different outcomes: this suggests that no single counter-insurgency strategy can always have the same results as it is influenced by numerous factors that may vary from one place to another.

TO THE PROBLEMS OF COMBATING CORRUPTION IN MODERN RUSSIA AND INTERNATIONAL COOPERATION IN THE FIELD OF ANTI-CORRUPTION

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Angela Dranishnikova
Keyword(s):  
Large Scale ◽  
The State ◽  
Point Of View ◽  
Modern Life ◽  
Existing Problems ◽  
Moral Point ◽  
Material Goods ◽  
The Russian Federation ◽  
The Difference ◽  
The Government

In the article, the author reflects the existing problems of the fight against corruption in the Russian Federation. He focuses on the opacity of the work of state bodies, leading to an increase in bribery and corruption. The topic we have chosen is socially exciting in our days, since its significance is growing on a large scale at all levels of the investigated aspect of our modern life. Democratic institutions are being jeopardized, the difference in the position of social strata of society in society’s access to material goods is growing, and the state of society is suffering from the moral point of view, citizens are losing confidence in the government, and in the top officials of the state.

People’s Movement in Odisha: An Assessment

2017 ◽  
Vol 63 (2) ◽  
pp. 265-283
Author(s):  
Subhendu Ranjan Raj
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Large Scale ◽  
Civil Disobedience ◽  
The State ◽  
State Governments ◽  
Growth Strategies ◽  
Protest Movements ◽  
The People ◽  
The Government ◽  
Set Up

Development process in Odisha (before 2011 Orissa) may have led to progress but has also resulted in large-scale dispossession of land, homesteads, forests and also denial of livelihood and human rights. In Odisha as the requirements of development increase, the arena of contestation between the state/corporate entities and the people has correspondingly multiplied because the paradigm of contemporary model of growth is not sustainable and leads to irreparable ecological/environmental costs. It has engendered many people’s movements. Struggles in rural Odisha have increasingly focused on proactively stopping of projects, mining, forcible land, forest and water acquisition fallouts from government/corporate sector. Contemporaneously, such people’s movements are happening in Kashipur, Kalinga Nagar, Jagatsinghpur, Lanjigarh, etc. They have not gained much success in achieving their objectives. However, the people’s movement of Baliapal in Odisha is acknowledged as a success. It stopped the central and state governments from bulldozing resistance to set up a National Missile Testing Range in an agriculturally rich area in the mid-1980s by displacing some lakhs of people of their land, homesteads, agricultural production, forests and entitlements. A sustained struggle for 12 years against the state by using Gandhian methods of peaceful civil disobedience movement ultimately won and the government was forced to abandon its project. As uneven growth strategies sharpen, the threats to people’s human rights, natural resources, ecology and subsistence are deepening. Peaceful and non-violent protest movements like Baliapal may be emulated in the years ahead.

Alcohol and Politics in France

1957 ◽  
Vol 51 (4) ◽  
pp. 976-994 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bernard E. Brown
Keyword(s):  
World War I ◽  
Large Scale ◽  
State Intervention ◽  
Domestic Market ◽  
The State ◽  
State Agency ◽  
The North ◽  
State Monopoly ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Right

“On jongle trop avec la structure d'un Pays qui a été, dans le monde, le défenseur de l'individu, de la liberté, du sens de la mesure. Un petit paysan sur sa terre, n'est-il pas humainement autre chose que le chômeur de demain ou l'ouvrier qui sera condamné à fabriquer toute sa vie des boulons?”Le Betteravier Français, September 1956, page 1.Large-scale state intervention in the alcohol market in France dates from World War I, when the government committed itself to encourage the production of alcohol. Two chief reasons then lay back of this decision: a huge supply of alcohol was needed for the manufacture of gunpowder, and the devastation of the beet-growing regions of the north had severely limited production of beet alcohol, thereby throwing the domestic market out of balance. A law of 30 June 1916, adopted under emergency procedure, established a state agency empowered to purchase alcohol. At the end of the war, a decree of 1919 accorded the government the right “provisionally” to maintain the state monopoly. In 1922 the beetgrowers and winegrowers gave their support to the principle of a state monopoly which, in effect, reserved the industrial market for beet alcohol and the domestic market for viticulture. In 1931 the state was authorized to purchase alcohol distilled from surplus wine.

scholarly journals Art. XX.—An Account of the Country of Sindh; with Remarks on the State of Society, the Government, Manners, and Customs of the People

1834 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 223-257 ◽  
Author(s):  
James M‘Murdo
Keyword(s):  
Civil Wars ◽  
The State ◽  
Satisfactory Explanation ◽  
The North ◽  
The People ◽  
River Indus ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Universe

The author of the Tohfat-al-Giráni states, that “the country of Sindh takes its name from Sind, the brother of Hind, the son of Noah. It is reckoned the forty-third of the sixty-one countries of the universe. The line of the second climate passes, from the north, directly through its centre; and although Sindh is situated in the five first climates, it nevertheless chiefly appertains to the second, and, consequently, lies in the region of the holy cities of Mecca and Medina.” It would be difficult to discover where the author quoted has found these grandsons of the patriarch; indeed, as is usual in such genealogies, they are probably altogether imaginary. The Hindú writings may, perhaps, afford some more satisfactory explanation of the name; but I have not been so fortunate as to meet with it. As far as I can learn from such sources, this country was called Sindhúdès, or “the country of the ocean,” alluding doubtless to the river Indus, which receives that dignified appellation in their sacred writings. The same authorities also state Sindh to have been governed by a Xhuthi, named Jayadrat'ha, who was slain in the civil wars of the Pandús; and it has, in consequence, sometimes received the name of Jayadrat'hadès, after that chieftain.

scholarly journals Concessions and Repression in Conflict

2016 ◽  
Vol 16 (2) ◽  
pp. 865-899
Author(s):  
Akifumi Ishihara ◽  
Prakarsh Singh
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
Civil Wars ◽  
Political Competition ◽  
The State ◽  
Electoral Participation ◽  
Threshold Estimation ◽  
Perpetual Peace ◽  
Rebel Group ◽  
The Government

Abstract We build a model for predicting civil wars where the government bargains with a rebel group using concessions and repression. The equilibrium is either a state of perpetual peace where there are concessions but no repression or a state of repressive equilibrium that can lead to civil wars. At the lowest levels of political competition, a move towards open electoral participation decreases the ability of the state to use repression to limit challengers, increasing the likelihood of war. At higher levels, an increase in competition decreases the probability of war by increasing concessions to the rebel group. Increasing concessions makes war less likely because it decreases the spoils of war and provides one explanation for the non-monotonicity found between probability of civil war and democracy. We test the prediction of this non-linearity using the technique in [Hansen (2000). “Sample Splitting and Threshold Estimation.” Econometrica 68:575–603] and find evidence consistent with the model.

scholarly journals Why Do Ethnic Groups Rebel? New Data and Analysis

2009 ◽  
Vol 62 (1) ◽  
pp. 87-119 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lars-Erik Cederman ◽  
Andreas Wimmer ◽  
Brian Min
Keyword(s):  
Ethnic Groups ◽  
Civil Wars ◽  
Political Competition ◽  
State Power ◽  
The State ◽  
Central State ◽  
Data Set ◽  
Role Of The State ◽  
The Government

Much of the quantitative literature on civil wars and ethnic conflict ignores the role of the state or treats it as a mere arena for political competition among ethnic groups. Other studies analyze how the state grants or withholds minority rights and faces ethnic protest and rebellion accordingly, while largely overlooking the ethnic power configurations at the state's center. Drawing on a new data set on Ethnic Power Relations (EPR) that identifies all politically relevant ethnic groups and their access to central state power around the world from 1946 through 2005, the authors analyze outbreaks of armed conflict as the result of competing ethnonationalist claims to state power. The findings indicate that representatives of ethnic groups are more likely to initiate conflict with the government (1) the more excluded from state power they are, especially if they have recently lost power, (2) the higher their mobilizational capacity, and (3) the more they have experienced conflict in the past.

scholarly journals A Strategy of Economic and Industrial Development of Russia in the Worldwide Instability Environment

2019 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 76-85
Author(s):  
I. S. Tsypin ◽  
S. I. Tsypina
Keyword(s):  
Economic Development ◽  
Development Strategy ◽  
Global Economy ◽  
Industrial Development ◽  
Large Scale ◽  
International Investment ◽  
The State ◽  
Economic Strategy ◽  
Balanced Development ◽  
The Government

The subject of the researchis the development of the Russian economy through enhancing its management efficiency.The relevanceof the problem is caused by the need to overcome the slow economic development before 2024–2030 as well as by fundamental changes in the global economy associated with the collapse of the globalization policy and the transition to the state protectionism, which requires changing the approach to the domestic economy management. Other important factors are a variety of economic development strategies available and the need to choose and justify an optimum strategy for the development of Russia.The purpose of the researchwas the development of a sound economic strategy and guidelines for its implementation with account for aggregate influencing factors. A comprehensive strategy for the development of the national economy is proposed based on the optimal combination of defense-industrial, resource, stabilization and innovation strategies while taking into account the specifics of Russia. To evaluate the condition and prospects of the Russian economic development, two groups of factors have been identified: external economic and internal economic. With account for their impact, the guidelines for the integrated economic strategy implementation are proposed. As a result of the research findings,it is concludedthat to achieve the goals set it is reasonable to ensure the balanced development of foreign economic relations based on joint large-scale international investment projects; increase the manufacturing and exports of hightech and deep processing products; ensure intensive growth of labor productivity and product quality based on industry modernization. The research was based on studying and analyzing information from domestic and foreign sources, Presidential decrees, resolutions and decisions of the State Duma and the Government, materials of the Russian Statistical Service (Rosstat) and relevant periodicals. In the course of the research, methods of analysis and synthesis, selection of the main link and classification were used. The results of the research can be helpful in the implementation of the economic development strategy and for management of structural transformations.

scholarly journals Problems of Industrialization Mysore -1914 -1918

2021 ◽  
Vol 8 (S1-Feb) ◽  
pp. 254-258
Author(s):  
Revanna M L
Keyword(s):  
Large Scale ◽  
First World War ◽  
The State ◽  
World War ◽  
Food Grains ◽  
The First World War ◽  
Business Conditions ◽  
The Government ◽  
The One ◽  
First World

During the First World War period, despite the best efforts by the Government of Mysore it was difficult to start and run many industries which required large -scale import of machineries. The First World War had broken the regular commercial traffic between Europe, the Mediterranean and India. On the one hand, the state escaped from the reckless floatation of companies that characterized the boom that followed the war, but some capital was invested in shares in outside companies. However as far as the investment in the new industries was concerned, capital was certainly shy in Mysore during the warperiod1. This situation continued even in the early twenties. Even during 1921-22, business conditions continued to be unfavorable throughout the year. Heavy losses were sustained by per-sons engaged in the business of piece-goods, timber, hides and skins and to a certain extent in food grains.

An Informational Theory of Genocide and Politicide During Civil War

2021 ◽  
pp. 001041402110474
Author(s):  
Gary Uzonyi
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
Civil Wars ◽  
Civilian Population ◽  
The Government ◽  
Military Victory ◽  
Extract Information

Why do some governments engage in genocide or politicide against their civilian population during civil war? Scholarship on this important question views such brutality as a strategic tool the government can use to maintain power through military victory. Returning to the logic of conflict bargaining, I re-conceptualize genocide and politicide as a means to extract information about one’s opponent. I argue that a government is more likely to employ these atrocities during conflict when it is more uncertain about its probability of victory to reveal better information more quickly from the battlefield. I test this argument on all civil wars since 1945 and find support for this claim. These dynamics are more pronounced when the rebels rely on the civilian population to mobilize fighters. My argument helps bridge significant works in the genocide and conflict-bargaining literatures.

Who Wins, Who Loses, Who Negotiates Peace in Civil Wars: Does Regime Type Matter?

2019 ◽  
Vol 4 (4) ◽  
pp. 482-498
Author(s):  
Anup Phayal ◽  
T David Mason ◽  
Mehmet Gurses
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
Civil Wars ◽  
The State ◽  
Peace Agreement ◽  
Negotiated Settlement ◽  
Peace Research ◽  
Conflict Duration ◽  
Regime Types ◽  
The Government ◽  
Competing Risk Models

Abstract Previous research has shown that the outcome of a civil war is related to conflict duration: military victory by either the government or the rebels occurs early if it occurs at all, and the longer a civil war lasts, the more likely it is to end in a negotiated settlement. The models of civil war duration and outcome that have produced these findings are built on characteristics of the civil war and less on attributes of the state itself, other than where the state lies on the Polity autocracy-democracy scale. We propose that how civil wars end varies not only between democracies and authoritarian regimes but among the different authoritarian regime types identified by Geddes, Wright, and Franz. The distinguishing attributes of these regime types—democracy, one-party, personalist, military, monarchical—should lead to different likelihood in defeating a rebel movement, being defeated by a rebel movement, and negotiating a peace agreement with a rebel movement. Results from a series of competing-risk models using the Uppsala–Peace Research Institute Oslo Armed Conflict Dataset demonstrate support for our claim that how civil wars end is partly a function of the characteristics of the regime.

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