The local translation of global indigeneity: A case of the Chittagong Hill Tracts

2019 ◽  
Vol 50 (1) ◽  
pp. 68-85
Author(s):  
Nasir Uddin
Keyword(s):  
Indigenous Peoples ◽  
Identity Politics ◽  
The Political ◽  
Local Translation ◽  
Chittagong Hill Tracts ◽  
International Support ◽  
Indigenous Groups ◽  
Public Debates ◽  
Indigenous Movement ◽  
Societal Relations

Indigeneity, a concept and construct, is increasingly gaining currency in academia, in the political sphere, and in public debates. Indigeneity as an active political force with international support has become a resource in identity politics. This article focuses on the dynamics of how the transnational idea of indigeneity has been nationally installed and locally translated within the context of the ethnohistory of an Indigenous movement that stemmed from local–societal relations with the state. The idea of indigeneity is seen as both local and global because it is globally circulated but locally articulated as well as globally charged but locally framed. Focusing on the Chittagong Hill Tracts, in the borderlands of South and Southeast Asia and home to 11 Indigenous groups in Bangladesh, the article argues that the local translation of global indigeneity is necessary for ensuring the rights and entitlements of Indigenous Peoples.

scholarly journals Autonomia Indígena no Pensamento Político de Taiaiake Alfred, Floriberto Díaz e Gersem Baniwa

2017 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 23
Author(s):  
Ana Catarina Zema de Resende
Keyword(s):  
Indigenous Peoples ◽  
Political Thought ◽  
Self Determination ◽  
The Political ◽  
National Liberation ◽  
New Paradigm ◽  
Indigenous Autonomy ◽  
Rio Negro ◽  
Indigenous Movement ◽  
Indigenous Organizations

Nos últimos 30 anos, a autonomia se tornou um novo paradigma na luta dos povos indígenas por descolonização. Organizações indígenas de todo o continente americano assumiram a autonomia como demanda central. No entanto, o debate em torno das demandas indígenas por autonomia tem gerado muitas polêmicas decorrentes da incompreensão sobre o que querem os movimentos indígenas quando reivindicam seu direito à autodeterminação e autonomia. Para melhor entendimento dessa questão, interessa-nos, aqui, trazer alguns elementos e conceitos que possibilitem apreciar as contribuições de três intelectuais indígenas a esse debate: Taiaiake Alfred, mohawk do Canada; Floriberto Díaz, mixe de Tlahuitoltepec eGersem Baniwa, do povo Baniwa do Alto Rio Negro e das propostas do Exército Zapatista de Libertação Nacional (EZLN). Veremos que a maneira como esses intelectuais e o EZLN vêm construindo suas ideias sobre autonomia funciona como veículo para suas críticas à imposição de controle por parte do Estado, levando esse último a perceber as inconsistências de seus próprios princípios e do tratamento que dá aos povos indígenas.Palavras-Chave: Autonomia Indígena, Pensamento Político, Autodeterminação, Movimento Indígena.Autonomía indígena en el pensamiento político de Taiaiake Alfred, Floriberto Díaz, Gersem Baniwa y en las propuestas del EZLNResumen: En los últimos 30 años, la autonomía se ha convertido en un nuevo paradigma en la lucha de los pueblos indígenas por descolonización. Organizaciones indígenas de todo el continente americano asumieron la autonomía como demanda central. Sin embargo, el debate en torno a las demandas indígenas por autonomía ha generado muchas polémicas derivadas de la incomprensión sobre lo que quieren los movimientos indígenas cuando reivindican su derecho a la autodeterminación y a la autonomía. Para entender mejor esta cuestión, nos interesa, aquí, traer algunos elementos y conceptos que posibiliten apreciar los aportes de tres intelectuales indígenas a ese debate: Taiaiake Alfred, mohawk de Canada; Floriberto Díaz, mixe de Tlahuitoltepec y Gersem Baniwa, del pueblo Baniwa del Alto Río Negro y de las propuestas del Ejército Zapatista de Liberación Nacional (EZLN). Veremos que la manera como estos intelectuales y el EZLN vienen construyendo sus ideas sobre autonomía funciona como vehículo para sus críticas a la imposición de control por parte del Estado, llevando ese último a percibir las inconsistencias de sus propios principios y del trato que da a los pueblos indígenas.Palabras-clave: Autonomía Indígena, Pensamiento Político, Autodeterminación, Movimiento Indígena.Indigenous autonomy in the political thought of Taiaiake Alfred, Floriberto Díaz, Gersem Baniwa and in the EZLN proposalsAbstract: Over the last 30 years, autonomy has become a new paradigm in the struggle of indigenous peoples for decolonization. Indigenous organizations throughout the Americas assumed autonomy as a central demand. However, the debate over indigenous demands for autonomy has generated many controversies which were derived from the misunderstanding of what indigenous movements want when they claim their right to self-determination and autonomy. To better understand this question, we are interested here in bringing up some elements and concepts that make it possible to appreciate the contributions of three indigenous intellectuals to that debate: Taiaiake Alfred, mohawk from Canada; Floriberto Diaz, mixe of Tlahuitoltepec and Gersem Baniwa, from the Baniwa people of the Alto Rio Negro and of the Zapatista Army of National Liberation (EZLN) proposals. We will see that the way these intellectuals and the EZLN construct their ideas about autonomy functions as a vehicle for their criticism of the imposition of control by the State, leading the latter to perceive the inconsistencies of its own principles and the treatment it gives to indigenous peoples.Keywords: Indigenous Autonomy, Political Thought, Self-Determination, Indigenous Movement.

Global configurations of indigenous identities, movements and pathways

Thesis Eleven ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 145 (1) ◽  
pp. 10-27 ◽  
Author(s):  
Priti Singh
Keyword(s):  
Social Movements ◽  
Indigenous Peoples ◽  
Identity Politics ◽  
Race And Ethnicity ◽  
Nation State ◽  
Science Literature ◽  
Policy Regimes ◽  
Indigenous Groups ◽  
Indigenous Social Movements ◽  
National Boundaries

The social science literature on identity politics around questions of race and ethnicity is profuse, prolix and contentious. Indigenous identity politics have seen a parallel growth and are equally complex. While there are analogies and overlaps, indigenous identities and social movements are neither conceptually nor empirically a sub-set of ethnic identities. The central issue of indigenous groups is the place of first peoples in relation to the nation-state system. This takes different forms in old world states of Asia and Africa to those of new world settler (ex-colonial) states of the Americas and Australasia. While the major issues of the indigenous peoples have expanded beyond their national boundaries, their modes of participation in the national political arenas vary. They share a gradual nationalization of indigenous movements, including stronger links with socio-political forces of the respective countries in the region, a heightened consciousness of global processes and the broadening and enrichment of their socio-cultural and economic objectives. This paper looks at trans-national dimensions of indigenous social movements and identity politics in relation to nation-state policy regimes and examines the varying routes taken by indigenous peoples to achieve their goals.

Multicultural Market Democracy: Elites and Indigenous Movements in Contemporary Ecuador

2011 ◽  
Vol 43 (3) ◽  
pp. 451-483 ◽  
Author(s):  
JAMES D. BOWEN
Keyword(s):  
Indigenous Peoples ◽  
Political System ◽  
Historical Analysis ◽  
The Political ◽  
Economic Liberalism ◽  
Elite Politics ◽  
Indigenous Movement ◽  
Economic Elites ◽  
Market Democracy ◽  
Depth Interviews

AbstractThis paper bridges the gap between studies of subaltern social movements and elite politics by asking how political and economic elites respond to indigenous mobilisation in Ecuador. I argue that elites have developed a hegemonic project based around three core principles – multiculturalism, economic liberalism and democracy – that serves to incorporate indigenous peoples into the political system while simultaneously excluding indigenous movement demands that would undermine the political and economic sources of elite power. The paper develops this argument around a concept of what I call ‘multicultural market democracy’ based on historical analysis and in-depth interviews with 43 Ecuadorian elites.

Indigenous Rights in International Law

2014 ◽  
Author(s):  
Cher Weixia Chen
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
International Law ◽  
Indigenous Peoples ◽  
Indigenous Rights ◽  
Academic Community ◽  
Indigenous Populations ◽  
Indigenous Groups ◽  
Indigenous Movement ◽  
Global Arena ◽  
Domestic Law

Indigenous rights have been gaining traction in international law since World War II, as the indigenous peoples, previously classified under the scope of domestic law, have propelled their cause into the global arena. Indigenous societies are vastly heterogeneous, but they possess some common features, such as lack of statehood, economic and political marginalization, and cultural and racial discrimination. Scholars generally agree that one of the most important goals of the international indigenous movement is to advance indigenous rights under international law. Hence, there have since been several international institutions that seek to address indigenous rights. The Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) in 1948 is the first international document that recognizes the need to protect indigenous groups, though there are also actors and organizations specializing in the field, such as the Working Group on Indigenous Populations (WGIP). However, the majority of the indigenous rights scholarship only examines the policy on indigenous rights, rather than the broader contexts of indigenous rights or the rise of indigenous rights as a phenomenon. Therefore, if the ultimate political goal of the indigenous rights scholarship is to better the conditions of indigenous peoples, the study of the efficacy of international legal prescription of indigenous rights is imperative. Otherwise, the considerable efforts put forth by both the academic community and the international indigenous movement could only remain symbolic.

Identity Politics' Issue In Indonesia Presidential Election 2019

2019 ◽  
Vol 1 (5) ◽  
Author(s):  
Ida Susilowati ◽  
Zahrotunnimah Zahrotunnimah ◽  
Nur Rohim Yunus
Keyword(s):  
Identity Politics ◽  
Presidential Election ◽  
Political Identity ◽  
Secondary Data ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Campaign ◽  
Communist Ideology ◽  
Presidential Election Campaign ◽  
Research Analysis

AbstractPresidential Election in 2019 has become the most interesting executive election throughout Indonesia's political history. People likely separated, either Jokowi’s or Prabowo’s stronghold. Then it can be assumed, when someone, not a Jokowi’s stronghold he or she certainly within Prabowo’s stronghold. The issue that was brought up in the presidential election campaign, sensitively related to religion, communist ideology, China’s employer, and any other issues. On the other side, politics identity also enlivened the presidential election’s campaign in 2019. Normative Yuridis method used in this research, which was supported by primary and secondary data sourced from either literature and social phenomenon sources as well. The research analysis concluded that political identity has become a part of the political campaign in Indonesia as well as in other countries. The differences came as the inevitability that should not be avoided but should be faced wisely. Finally, it must be distinguished between political identity with the politicization of identity clearly.Keywords. Identity Politics, 2019 Presidential Election

scholarly journals Towards a Kierkegaardian Retreating of the Political

2019 ◽  
Vol 24 (1) ◽  
pp. 375-392
Author(s):  
Mads Peter Karlsen
Keyword(s):  
Identity Politics ◽  
The Political ◽  
Human Beings ◽  
The Third ◽  
Critical Engagement ◽  
Works Of Love

AbstractThe first section of this paper argues that we can find in Kierkegaard an idea of equality, epitomized in the notion of “the neighbor” presented in Works of Love, which is highly relevant for, among other things, a critical engagement with today’s “identity politics.” The second section argues that Kierkegaard’s idea of equality is a religious-existential task, but also a task concerning our relationship with other human beings. The third section demonstrates how this idea of equality is evinced in the notion of “the neighbor.” The last section offers some reflections on how we might begin to rethink the political based on this idea of equality.

scholarly journals “Indigenous sovereignty” and right to self-determination in international law: a critical appraisal

2021 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
pp. 71-82
Author(s):  
Rashwet Shrinkhal
Keyword(s):  
International Law ◽  
Indigenous Peoples ◽  
Critical Appraisal ◽  
Indigenous Population ◽  
Moral Authority ◽  
Self Determination ◽  
The Political ◽  
Indigenous Sovereignty

It is worth recalling that the struggle of indigenous peoples to be recognised as “peoples” in true sense was at the forefront of their journey from an object to subject of international law. One of the most pressing concerns in their struggle was crafting their own sovereign space. The article aims to embrace and comprehend the concept of “indigenous sovereignty.” It argues that indigenous sovereignty may not have fixed contour, but it essentially confronts the idea of “empire of uniformity.” It is a source from which right to self-determination stems out and challenges the political and moral authority of States controlling indigenous population within their territory.

Return of the Natives: Explaining the Development and Non-Development of Political Action by Indigenous Peoples in Democratic Political Systems

2012 ◽  
Vol 19 (4) ◽  
pp. 453-480
Author(s):  
Lee E. Dutter
Keyword(s):  
New Zealand ◽  
North America ◽  
Indigenous Peoples ◽  
Political Action ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Systems ◽  
Present Treatment ◽  
Or Groups ◽  
Torres Strait ◽  
Political Actions

Studies of individuals or groups who might use violence or terrorism in pursuit of political goals often focus on the specific actions which these individuals or groups have taken and on the policies which defenders (that is, governments of states) against such actions may adopt in response. Typically, less attention is devoted to identifying the relevant preconditions of political action and possible escalation to violence and how or why potential actions may be obviated before they occur. In the context of democratic political systems, the present analysis addresses these issues via examination of indigenous peoples, who typically constitute tiny fractions of the population of the states or regions in which they reside, in terms of their past and present treatment by governments and the political actions, whether non-violent or violent, which individuals from these peoples have engaged or may engage. The specific peoples examined are Aborigines and Torres Strait Islanders of Australia, Haudenosaunee of North America, Inuit of Canada, Maori of New Zealand, and Saami of Scandinavia.

nr="55",,Antiextremismus“ oder Demokratie? : Über Herkunft und Probleme der Extremismustheorie im Bildungskontext

2021 ◽  
Vol 2019 (1) ◽  
pp. 55-66
Author(s):  
Dominik Feldmann
Keyword(s):  
Educational Policy ◽  
Political Education ◽  
The Political ◽  
Power Relationships ◽  
Security Issues ◽  
Basic Assumptions ◽  
Domestic Security ◽  
Public Debates ◽  
Innere Sicherheit ◽  
Political Spectrum

Zusammenfassung: Der Antiextremismus geht davon aus, dass die Gefahren der Demokratie an den Rändern des politischen Spektrums zu finden sind, und hat damit große Wirkmächtigkeit. Dies betrifft die innere Sicherheit ebenso wie Bildungsdebatten. Allerdings ernten der Antiextremismus in öffentlichen Debatten und die Extremismustheorie in der Wissenschaft immer wieder Kritik: Dient der Extremismusansatz tatsächlich dem Demokratieschutz oder schützt er bestehende Macht- und Herrschaftsverhältnisse, indem er Politikangebote, die von der politischen Mitte abweichen, diskreditiert? Für ein Verständnis des Antiextremismus fragt der Beitrag nach seinen Ursprüngen, Grundannahmen und Defiziten. Außerdem werden seine Einflüsse auf bildungspolitische Entscheidungen und Inhalte politischer Bildung betrachtet. Schließlich wird diskutiert, inwiefern der Antiextremismus sinnvoller Bestandteil von Bildung in einer und für eine Demokratie sein kann.Abstract: The anti-extremism discourse assumes that the dangers posed to democracy are to be found only at the edges of the political spectrum, and has thus become very influential both in relation to domestic security issues and to debates concerning education. However, this dicourse is repeatedly criticized in academia and public debates: Does its approach to “extremism” indeed serve to protect democracy, or does it, rather, protect existing power relationships by discrediting policies that deviate from the political centre? In order to understand the anti-extremism discourse, this article investigates its origins, basic assumptions and deficits. It also examines its influences on educational policy decisions and the content of political education. Finally, it discusses to what extent engagement with this discourse can contribute towards sound political education in a democratic context.

Public Response to Online Public Debate in the 2020 Regional Head Election of Ponorogo Regency

2021 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 1340-1350
Author(s):  
Alifa Chandra Kumara ◽  
Dian Suluh Kusuma Dewi
Keyword(s):  
Social Media ◽  
Data Analysis ◽  
Political Participation ◽  
Public Debate ◽  
The Political ◽  
Mass Gathering ◽  
Public Response ◽  
Analysis Techniques ◽  
Public Debates ◽  
Cross Tabulation

This year, regional head elections were held in the midst of the Covid-19 pandemic so that social media can be used as a means of online campaigns to reduce mass gathering. This research was conducted to see the response of the Ponorogo community in participating in online public debates and to assess people's political participation by analyzing public comments on public debate shows on YouTube and Facebook. The data is processed using the Nvivo12 plus application by using cross tabulation data analysis techniques with manual coding then the results of the data obtained are described and analyzed in accordance with the theory of response and political participation. The data obtained on Facebook and YouTube were 772 responses with details of 357 responses on Facebook and 415 responses on YouTube. The responses given are in the form of positive, negative, and neutral responses. The process of obtaining data on public response is in accordance with the S-O-R response theory (Stimulus, Organism, Response) and the stage of response formation, as well as the political participation of the Ponorogo community is high enough to see the debate shows but the level of activeness in giving responses is less active.

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