The History of Mind and the Philosophy of History in Sallust's Bellum Catilinae

Ramus ◽  
2000 ◽  
Vol 29 (2) ◽  
pp. 85-126 ◽  
Author(s):  
Erik Gunderson

With the assassination of Julius Caesar on the Ides of March in 44 BCE, the political fortunes of one of Caesar's lesser political partisans began to wane. Gaius Sallustius Crispus, a minor political figure, formerly involved in scandal and now left without a backer, retired from politics and began to write history. His first project was an account of a failedcoup d'étatfrom some decades before. Sallust recorded the efforts of a thwarted candidate for Rome's highest office named Lucius Sergius Catilina to raise an army of disaffected Romans and foreigners and to install himself and his partisans at Rome. In the end, though, nothing much came of the plot: some were arrested and killed; some fought and died; others who had not been caught in too manifest support of Catiline were suddenly expressing their enmity for the monster.

2021 ◽  
Vol 66 (1) ◽  
pp. 79-97
Author(s):  
Mikhail S. Belousov ◽  

The article is devoted to the history of the emergence and development of the political crisis of the Interregnum. The central question of the article is examination of the reason why Nikolai, having received news of the death of Alexander, decided to swear allegiance to Konstantin. An analysis of historiography demonstrates that the most diametrical interpretations of this event are presented in the literature: Nikolai acted under pressure from M. A. Miloradovich and/or Maria Fedorovna, together with the Governor-General and/or Empress Mother. An important aspect of the work is the study of the normative component of the problem of succession. It is shown that by November 1825 a contradictory situation had developed: by law the heir was Konstantin, by family agreement — Nikolai. The article justifiably proves that the Manifesto of Alexander I on the transfer of the throne of Nicholas was a model of separate family law and was never supposed to be published. On the basis of a wide range of sources, the article reconstructs the course of meetings on November 25, describes the features of taking the oath on November 27, and reveals the development of the dynastic crisis arising from them. It is demonstrated that Nicholas had a complex plan to seize power, which implied unification with representatives of the generals and the highest bureaucracy, an oath in favor of Konstantin in violation of the established tradition, pressure on his older brother and, ultimately, the proclamation of emperor. The article presents the question of rumors spread in St. Petersburg society related to the secession of Poland and the hypothetical murder of Constantine.


1992 ◽  
Vol 37 (3) ◽  
pp. 350-375 ◽  
Author(s):  
Erik Olssen ◽  
Jeremy Brecher

SummaryThis paper investigates the history of the labour process in New Zealand's state-owned railway workshops and questions the idea that large-scale industry inevitably destroyed whatever agency skilled workers had enjoyed. It also shows that relations of production vary with the political and cultural contexts. Craft control of the labour process survived in New Zealand's state-owned railway workshops and the union played only a minor role. Jop control was more important in achieving bureaucratic instead of autocratic control over such matters as hiring and firing; the retention of apprentice-based crafts; the institutionalization of seniority; and in resisting both de-skilling and the “premium bonus”. The strength and vitality of shop culture, based on craft control of the labour process, also survived and modified the Government's vigorous attempt to introduce “scientific management”. In brief the article concludes that productive processes do not inevitably determine social relations of production, that capitalism has been neither homogeneous nor uniform, and that mechanization never inevitably results in de-skilling.


2016 ◽  
Vol 5 (4) ◽  
pp. 109-113
Author(s):  
Rustam Аlhazurovich Tovsultanov ◽  
Lilia Nadipovna Galimova

This paper analyzes the political and military situation prevailing in Chechnya at the end of XVIII - the first quarter of the XIX century. The authors note that the crisis of the military-political situation in Chechnya occurred after a number of regions and countries of the Caucasus joined Russia in the early XIX century. The establishment of effective control over the unconquered mountain people converted from a purely border problem into a strategic task for the tsarism. This task was given to General A.P. Yermolov who paid all his attention to the left wing (which included Chechnya) of the Caucasian line and Chechnya became a priority of his policy. A.P. Yermolov immediately began to carry out a rigid policy towards the mountaineers, the aim of frequent punitive expeditions was to intimidate the Chechens. A.P. Yermolovs policy gradually led to the consolidation of different Chechen communities, primarily divided into clans and tribes. This rigid policy of the Caucasian Chechen governor in 1825 raised uprising. Bay-Bulat Taymiev headed this movement. In this connection the paper also explores the uprising of Bay-Bulat Taymiev in 1825-1826, the causes and nature of the movement of mountaineers, analyzes the causes of the defeat and the result of the uprising. The authors assess the role and significance of Bay-Bulat Taymiev in the history of Chechnya.


2008 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 4-22
Author(s):  
Carlos Eduardo Pérez Crespo

Peru has a long history of democracy’s breakdowns where the construction of political discourse has been very important to legitimize authoritarian measures. Therefore, this article analyzes Alberto Fujimori’s discourse in the last Peruvian coup d’état in 1992. Owing to the fact that authoritarian discourse could become legitimate once again in a future political or economic crisis in Peru, this research concludes that the Peruvian government should consider the real importance of the issue of political order in contemporary politics.


Author(s):  
Lucilia De Almeida Neves Delgado

Resumo:O presente artigo analisa livros e artigos interpretativos sobre o golpe de estado de 1964, no Brasil  e sobre a trajetória política do Presidente João Goulart, deposto pelo referido golpe. Considera: o  tempo em que os textos foram publicados e também as relações entre memória e história e entre lembrança e esquecimento. Palavras chave: História do Brasil, presidente João Goulart, golpe político de 1964, interpretações, história, memória.Resumen:Este artículo examina los libros y artículos interpretativos sobre el golpe de Estado de 1964, en  Brasil, y la trayectoria política del presidente João Goulart, depuesto por ese golpe. Considera el momento en que los textos se han publicado y también la relación entre la memoria y la historia, entre el recuerdo y el olvido. Palabras clave: Historia de Brasil, presidente João Goulart, golpe de estado de 1964, interpretaciones, historia, memoria.Abstract:This text examines the books and the articles about the coup d’état of 1964, in Brazil, and the political career of the President João Goulart, who was overthrown of gouverment. Also, it considers the time in which those texts were published and the relationship between memory and history, souvenir and oblivion. Keywords: History of Brazil, political coup f 1964, president João Goulart, interpretation, history, memory


Author(s):  
Наталья Львовна Пушкарёва

В статье проанализирована роль известной политической фигуры - вдовы посадника Исака Борецкого, знаменитой Марфы Борецкой - в экономической истории Новгорода в последний период его самостоятельности. Благодаря скрупулезным подсчётам владений и получаемого с них дохода доказано, что Марфа Борецкая была крупнейшей собственницей земельных богатств своего времени, не сравнимой ни с одной женщиной не только в Новгороде, но и в Москве. Статья оспаривает ранее сложившееся мнение в историографии о том, что экономическое значение приобретений Марфы Борецкой в годы её вдовства не играло заметной роли и не оказывало влияния на политическую составляющую отношений Новгорода и Москвы. Напротив, считает автор, хозяйствование Марфы Борецкой доказывает её исключительную деловую сметку и удачливость, быстрое богатение её самой и её детей, что объективно способствовало росту могущества всей Новгородчины. Именно экономический вес этой собственницы объясняет исключительную роль, которую она пыталась на себя взять, спасая устойчивую новгородскую политическую систему. The article analyzes the role of a famous political figure - the widow of the mayor Isak Boretsky, the famous Martha Boretskaya - in the economic history of Novgorod in the last period of its independence. Thanks to scrupulous calculations of the properties and the income received from them, it has been proved that Martha Boretskaya was the largest owner of land wealth of her time, incomparable with any woman not only in Novgorod, but also in Moscow. The article disputes the earlier opinion in historiography that the economic significance of the acquisitions of Marfa Boretskaya during the years of her widowhood did not play a noticeable role and did not affect the political component of relations between Novgorod and Moscow. On the contrary, the author believes, the management of Martha Boretskaya proves her exceptional economic savvy and luck, the rapid wealth of herself and her children, which objectively contributed to the growth of the power of the entire Novgorod region. It is the economic weight of this owner that explains the exceptional role that she tried to take upon herself, saving the stable Novgorod political system.


1959 ◽  
Vol 9 ◽  
pp. 51-79
Author(s):  
K. Edwards

During the last twenty or twenty-five years medieval historians have been much interested in the composition of the English episcopate. A number of studies of it have been published on periods ranging from the eleventh to the fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries. A further paper might well seem superfluous. My reason for offering one is that most previous writers have concentrated on analysing the professional circles from which the bishops were drawn, and suggesting the influences which their early careers as royal clerks, university masters and students, secular or regular clergy, may have had on their later work as bishops. They have shown comparatively little interest in their social background and provenance, except for those bishops who belonged to magnate families. Some years ago, when working on the political activities of Edward II's bishops, it seemed to me that social origins, family connexions and provenance might in a number of cases have had at least as much influence on a bishop's attitude to politics as his early career. I there fore collected information about the origins and provenance of these bishops. I now think that a rather more careful and complete study of this subject might throw further light not only on the political history of the reign, but on other problems connected with the character and work of the English episcopate. There is a general impression that in England in the later middle ages the bishops' ties with their dioceses were becoming less close, and that they were normally spending less time in diocesan work than their predecessors in the thirteenth century.


2019 ◽  
pp. 135-145
Author(s):  
Viktor A. Popov

Deep comprehension of the advanced economic theory, the talent of lecturer enforced by the outstanding working ability forwarded Vladimir Geleznoff scarcely at the end of his thirties to prepare the publication of “The essays of the political economy” (1898). The subsequent publishing success (8 editions in Russia, the 1918­-year edition in Germany) sufficiently demonstrates that Geleznoff well succeded in meeting the intellectual inquiry of the cross­road epoch of the Russian history and by that taking the worthful place in the history of economic thought in Russia. Being an acknowledged historian of science V. Geleznoff was the first and up to now one of the few to demonstrate the worldwide community of economists the theoretically saturated view of Russian economic thought in its most fruitful period (end of XIX — first quarter of XX century).


2008 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 139-155 ◽  
Author(s):  
YAEL DARR

This article describes a crucial and fundamental stage in the transformation of Hebrew children's literature, during the late 1930s and 1940s, from a single channel of expression to a multi-layered polyphony of models and voices. It claims that for the first time in the history of Hebrew children's literature there took place a doctrinal confrontation between two groups of taste-makers. The article outlines the pedagogical and ideological designs of traditionalist Zionist educators, and suggests how these were challenged by a group of prominent writers of adult poetry, members of the Modernist movement. These writers, it is argued, advocated autonomous literary creation, and insisted on a high level of literary quality. Their intervention not only dramatically changed the repertoire of Hebrew children's literature, but also the rules of literary discourse. The article suggests that, through the Modernists’ polemical efforts, Hebrew children's literature was able to free itself from its position as an apparatus controlled by the political-educational system and to become a dynamic and multi-layered field.


2005 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 73-86 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Wetherell

Every discipline which deals with the land question in Canaan-Palestine-Israel is afflicted by the problem of specialisation. The political scientist and historian usually discuss the issue of land in Israel purely in terms of interethnic and international relations, biblical scholars concentrate on the historical and archaeological question with virtually no reference to ethics, and scholars of human rights usually evade the question of God. What follows is an attempt, through theology and political history, to understand the history of the Israel-Palestine land question in a way which respects the complexity of the question. From a scrutiny of the language used in the Bible to the development of political Zionism from the late 19th century it is possible to see the way in which a secular movement mobilised the figurative language of religion into a literal ‘title deed’ to the land of Palestine signed by God.


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