scholarly journals Child Support in Shared Care Cases: Do Child Support Policies in Thirteen Countries Reflect Family Policy Models?

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-18
Author(s):  
Mia Hakovirta ◽  
Daniel R. Meyer ◽  
Christine Skinner

Increasingly, parents in separated families equally share care of their children post-separation. In this article we extend a well-known family policy model to generate hypotheses about the level of child support to be paid by separated parents when children live primarily with their mother (‘sole custody’) in contrast to when children spend equal time with both parents (‘shared care’). We test these hypotheses with data collected from thirteen countries. In sole custody cases, countries with an earner-carer policy model do have lower child support expectations than countries with a traditional family policy model or a market-oriented model, as predicted. Countries with a traditional family policy model do have the highest orders in the shared case, as predicted. However, there is as much variation within models as there is between, suggesting new analytic frameworks for considering child support in family policy need to be developed.

2018 ◽  
Vol 28 (3) ◽  
pp. 211-223 ◽  
Author(s):  
Elke Claessens ◽  
Dimitri Mortelmans

The increasing prevalence of shared care and complex families is challenging traditional approaches to child support determination based on the ‘classic’ two-parent, sole custody, post-divorce family. This article provides a comparative analysis of how these challenges are being addressed in the child support schemes of eight different countries and evaluates these approaches in the light of family policies on gender equality in family care. We find great diversity in the incorporation of shared care and complex families, which is not clearly connected to existing ideal typical policy models on gendered family care. However, child support schemes, at least partially, seem to translate into assumptions concerning gender roles and general policy aims concerning gender equality. In order to better understand how countries accommodate the challenges arising from the modern post-separation family, gender equality seems a vital consideration to take into account.


2021 ◽  
pp. 0192513X2199416
Author(s):  
Sara Trujillo-Alemán ◽  
Åsa Tjulin ◽  
Glòria Pérez ◽  
Emma Hagqvist

This study aimed to explore the distribution of social capital and its relation to self-perceived health in lone mothers across Europe. Data were drawn from the European Social Survey Round 5. The sample was restricted to women (15–64 years), not cohabiting with a partner, and with children (≤ 18 years) living in the household. Social capital was measured using variables, representing both structural (political engagement, social support, and social activity) and cognitive (generalized trust, institutionalized trust, reciprocity, and a feeling of safety) components. Individual-level measurements: age, educational attainment, employment status, income level, and household economy. Country-level measurements: family policy model and collective social capital. A multilevel analysis was conducted. The results revealed cross-country variance in the level of lone mothers’ social capital. After adjustment for individual-level and country-level measurements, only reciprocity and a feeling of safety were related to good self-perceived health among lone mothers in Europe.


2000 ◽  
Vol 90 (3) ◽  
pp. 367-390 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jeffrey C Fuhrer

This paper explores a monetary-policy model with habit formation for consumers, in which consumers' utility depends in part on current consumption relative to past consumption. The empirical tests developed in the paper show that one can reject the hypothesis of no habit formation with tremendous confidence, largely because the habit-formation model captures the gradual hump-shaped response of real spending to various shocks. The paper then embeds the habit-consumption specification in a monetary-policy model and finds that the responses of both spending and inflation to monetary-policy actions are significantly improved by this modification. (JEL D12, E52, E43)


1977 ◽  
Vol 30 (1) ◽  
pp. 58-86 ◽  
Author(s):  
R. D. McKinlay ◽  
R. Little

Two views, founded on divergent rationales, have been used to explain the allocation of official bilateral aid. One view explains the allocation of aid in terms of the humanitarian needs of the recipient, the other in terms of the foreign policy interests of the donor. Although the foreign policy view is now clearly dominant, it has not been developed systematically. This paper initially develops an analytic foreign policy model of aid allocation. The model suggests that the provision of aid leads to the establishment of commitment and dependency, enabling the donor to realize certain foreign policy utilities. These utilities in turn allow the donor to pursue its interests. These interests may be ordered into five substantive foreign policy models. The main research objective of the paper is to test these models in the context of U.S. aid by making a cross-national, longitudinal study of the distribution of U.S. aid over the years 1960- 1970. We find that the foreign policy model which best explains the allocation of U.S. aid is one that is consonant with the political interpretation of imperialism.


Author(s):  
Cassandra Engeman

AbstractDrawing from U.S. state legislative documents, this chapter examines the development of subnational leave policies across states and over time. The research identifies 72 leave laws adopted by states between 1942 and 2017 and shows how some states are more active than others. In comparison to other countries, states quickly abandoned female-targeted policies in favor of gender-neutral, individual entitlements, and leave rights in the United States can be uniquely distinguished by whether they provide time-off to address medical or caregiving needs. I argue that American lawmakers have an opportunity to layer wage-replacement benefits on top of preexisting, gender-neutral and individual entitlements to job-protected leave in a step toward gender-egalitarian family policy models found in other countries.


2020 ◽  
Vol 9 (4) ◽  
pp. 84
Author(s):  
Sławomir Wilk

This article offers a critical reflection on the Programme “Family 500+” introduced by the Polish government and aimed at improving the financial situation of Polish families in order to increase the fertility rate. Families have been supported with the benefit of 500 PLN given for each child under 18. The article presents the results of the research carried out in 2019 on the representatives of the households (N= 3347). The interviewees most frequently pointed to the increase of the quality of living conditions and the increase in the consumption of goods and services. Approximately 80% of the interviewees have noticed the fact that the benefit boosted potential development of children by enabling them to participate in the extracurricular activities and visit leisure centers. 64,7% of the interviewees believe that the Programme let them have savings and 17,8% of respondents claim that the benefit will not contribute to their savings but will be consumed on a day-to-day basis. Despite the initial assumptions of the Programme , the policy of pronatalism was not achieved as the fertility rate did not reach the assumed level. It must be stated that even though the legislative activities constitute a milestone in the Polish pro-family policy these solutions have many disadvantages. The Programme should not be the main tool of the Polish demographic policy but just supplementary.  Keywords: Family 500+ Programme; family policy; demographic policy; State Aid for Child Support Act; household finance; family benefits


Author(s):  
T Rostovskaya ◽  

The article analyzes the author's sociological research conducted in 2020 on the demand for demographic policy measures in ten subjects of the Russian Federation. The author notes the need for comprehensive, long-term, effective measures of family policy to build confidence on the part of young people in the reliability and effectiveness of the family policy model.


2008 ◽  
Vol 26 (3) ◽  
pp. 25-49 ◽  
Author(s):  
Angelika von Wahl

For decades conservative welfare states have reformed reluctantly. To understand recent family policy reforms in Germany we must add institutions and economics to any account of politics. This article focuses on the grand coalition of CDU/CSU and SPD formed after the 2005 Bundestag election. Two opposed assumptions pertain to grand coalitions: one holds that a coalition of parties with different ideologies will act according to the lowest common denominator resulting in policy inertia. The opposite holds that grand coalitions enable policy change because constraints are removed by the supermajority. This article develops five conditions for successful reform, arguing that traditional family policies directed at the protection of motherhood are shifting towards reconciliation policies that emphasize labor market activation and increased birth rates. The shift indicates 1) that even conservative states have the potential for bounded reform; and, 2) that agency—particularly partisan and coalitional interests—needs to be considered more seriously.


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