New Rules for National Identity? The Northern League and Political Identity in Contemporary Northern Italy

1999 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 117-133 ◽  
Author(s):  
John Agnew ◽  
Carlo Brusa
Multilingua ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 38 (1) ◽  
pp. 29-50 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sabina Perrino

Abstract In this article, I explore how language revitalization initiatives are rescaled as part of a local, historical and sociocultural revitalization project in which ethnonationalist aspirations emerge in Northeastern Italy’s Veneto region. Through an analysis of political emblems, textual artifacts, and speech participants’ stories, I examine how the promotion of the local language is related to a developing sense of collective and intimate identity, especially vis-à-vis the many migrants and refugees that have landed in Italy, and Europe, in recent years. In the last decade, these new flows of migrants have triggered strong reactions by Italians, such as recent discourses about national identity and the aggressive anti-immigration politics promoted by the Lega Nord (‘Northern League’). I show how politics, history, and language become part of a complex spatiotemporal configuration in which chronotopic stances and intimate identities are enacted in speech participants’ everyday lives.


Author(s):  
Alison Chand

This chapter analyses the narratives of men who worked in reserved occupations in Clydeside to explore wider aspects of their individual subjectivities other than gender. Areas of subjectivity examined include national identity (picking up from the discussion in Chapter 3 and looking at men of non-British or Scottish nationality), class consciousness and political identity, religion and social activities. This chapter widens the picture of how men in reserved occupations experienced the war, arguing that male reserved workers were aware of ‘imagined’ collective subjectivity on a national level, and that important similarities existed between the subjectivities of men who worked in different regions of Britain, particularly those with higher proportions of men working in reserved occupations. The chapter re-enforces the notion that the subjectivities of such men existed on different levels and reflected to varying degrees the concepts of ‘imagination’ and ‘living’, making clear that the subjectivities of male civilian workers in wartime Clydeside comprised different national, ethnic, religious, class and political attributes, all integral and important to reserved men before, during and after the Second World War. Arguably, however, men were often aware of these integral aspects of their subjectivities on an ‘imagined’ level, and many aspects of them were superseded by a pre-occupation with everyday living, also continuous and fundamentally unchanged by wartime. In arguing for the continuity of different ‘imagined’ and ‘lived’ forms of subjectivity among men in reserved occupations in wartime Clydeside, this chapter re-enforces the notion that, although integral to masculinity, temporary wartime ideals did not fundamentally change the masculine subjectivities of male civilian workers.


2011 ◽  
Vol 25 (4) ◽  
pp. 813-833 ◽  
Author(s):  
Yitzhak M. Brudny ◽  
Evgeny Finkel

The article discusses the impact of national identity on democratization and market reforms in Russia and Ukraine. We develop a concept of hegemonic national identity and demonstrate its role in Russian and Ukrainian post-communist political development. The article argues that Russia’s slide toward authoritarianism was to an important degree an outcome of the notions of national identity adopted by the main political players and society at large. In Ukraine, on the other hand, a hegemonic identity failed to emerge and the public discussion of issues of national identity led to the adoption of much more liberal and democratic notions of identity by a considerable part of the political elite. Adoption of this more liberal identity, in turn, was one of the main reasons for the Orange Revolution. The main theoretical implications of this argument are as follows: (a) choices of national identity profoundly affect the prospects for democracy in the newly democratizing states; (b) institutions do shape identities; (c) elites’ preference for (or opposition to) liberal democracy is not simply a consequence of their understanding of their self-interest in gaining and preserving power but also is dependent to a significant extent on their choices of political identity.


2018 ◽  
Vol 30 (3) ◽  
pp. 237 ◽  
Author(s):  
Arifah Rahmawati ◽  
Dewi H Susilastuti ◽  
Mohtar Mas'oed ◽  
Muhadjir Darwin

An identity negotiation process, initiated after the peace agreement was reached, is currently underway in Aceh. This can be seen, for example, in the activities of the women joined in the Inong Balee troop, the women's wing of the Free Aceh Movement (Gerakan Aceh Merdeka, GAM) formed in the late 1990s. Their participation as women combatants is inseparable from the strong ethno-nationalistic identity and ethno-political struggle that sought Aceh's independence. Today, more than twelve years after peace was reached in Aceh, the Acehnese ethno-political identity has experienced a transformation. Although it has not entirely disappeared, their activities have been framed as part of Indonesian nationalism. This finding emphasizes that nation is not fixed, but transformable and negotiable. The once ethno-political identity has become a social national identity. This paper attempts to understand how former woman members of GAM through a qualitative narrative. This paper attempts to answer why this has happened and how former combatants have negotiated their identities. Is there still a sense of Acehnese nationalism, as they fought for, and how has this intersected with their Indonesian nationalism since they became ordinary citizens?


Author(s):  
D.A. Ogorodov ◽  

Sport is considered as a collective practice, participation in which in any capacity (as an athlete, coach or fan) contributes to the formation and strengthening of socio-cultural and political identity. The period of unification of the German nation is analyzed: classical gymnastics in the XIX century was a response to the society’s request for national identity and gymnastics classes became a unifying nation-forming social practice. It is shown that in the 30—40s of the twentieth century, sports became one of the technologies for building, approving and spreading the ideology of German national socialism.


2013 ◽  
Vol 41 (4) ◽  
pp. 515-535 ◽  
Author(s):  
Duncan Light ◽  
Craig Young

This paper explores the relationship between the urban cultural landscape of Bucharest and the making of post-socialist Romanian national identity. As the capital of socialist Romania, central Bucharest was extensively remodelled by Nicolae Ceauşescu into the Centru Civic in order to materialize Romania's socialist identity. After the Romanian “Revolution” of 1989, the national and local state had to deal with a significant “leftover” socialist urban landscape which was highly discordant with the orientation of post-socialist Romania and its search for a new identity. Ceauşescu's vast socialist showpiece left a difficult legacy which challenges the material and representational reshaping of Bucharest and constructions of post-socialist Romanian national identity more broadly. The paper analyzes four attempts to deal with the Centru Civic: developments in the immediate post-1989 period; the international architectural competition Bucureşti 2000; proposals for building a Cathedral of National Salvation; and the Esplanada project. Despite over 20 years of proposals central Bucharest remains largely unchanged. The paper thus deals with a failed attempt to re-shape the built environment in support of national goals.


2006 ◽  
Vol 29 (3) ◽  
pp. 261-288 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ryan Minor

Brahms's Fest- und Gedenkspruche have long been discussed and sometimes dismissed as an occasional work. But although many scholars have debunked this designation, pointing out that Brahms wrote the motets with no particular occasion in mind, a more salient description of the composition deserves further investigation: the motets are a work for occasions, rather than an occasional work. This article looks at the repercussions of this distinction by focusing on the motets' orientation around the world of plurals (in Benedict Anderson's words) that was both presupposed and fostered by a national culture of festivity in late-nineteenth-century Germany. For one, the title of Brahms's motets--Spruche--references the contemporary collections of sayings that sought to capture and disseminate the multiplicity of the Volk in the new German Kaiserreich. This emphasis on national identity as a localized, participatory act was well suited to the flurry of commemorative festivities taking place throughout the newly unified Germany; it also finds musical expression in the motets. In particular, Brahms makes programmatic use of the double chorus to illustrate processes of unification, narration, and historical continuity, all of which were crucial strategies in the attempt to buttress Germany's new political identity with mnemonic supports. And by setting biblical texts that promote a contractual memory between fathers and sons, Brahms depicts a community in which collective participation in remembering the national past serves as an optimistic bulwark against the centrifugal antagonisms that would soon beset the young German nation.


2016 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 45-51
Author(s):  
Roxana-Ema Dreve

Up until 1814 Norway was a province governed from Copenhagen. After its defeat in the Napoleonic wars, Denmark was forced to give Norway to Sweden. On the political side, the direct results of these events were the establishment of the Norwegian state and the writing of the constitution. On the cultural and literary side, the union with Sweden created the condition for inquiries about national identity. But if Norway had a political identity, the foundation of a cultural identity took more time, mostly because of the lack of a unique, national language. This article focuses on some linguistic and political policies from the 1830s and their influence on literature. Important themes such as oral/written language, the conflicts between Henrik Wergeland and Johan Sebastian Welhaven, national/cultural identity, tradition/innovation will be analyzed.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-24
Author(s):  
Semiha Sözeri ◽  
H.K. Altinyelken ◽  
M.L.L. Volman

Abstract This is a study of mosque pedagogies and their relevance for the formation of the moral and political identity of Turkish-Dutch youth. Based on fieldwork in two mosques affiliated with Milli Görüş and Diyanet in the Netherlands, the study identifies three different pedagogies practiced in the mosque classrooms: pedagogy of national identity building, unorthodox pedagogies of bonding, and pedagogies of moral formation. The findings show that teaching activities in both mosques contain messages pertaining to citizenship norms and values in areas such as interaction between different genders, ideas of crime, justice and punishment, relationship to authority and boundaries of individual autonomy. Apart from auxiliary use of Dutch and copying Dutch schools’ motivation and discipline strategies, we did not find specific Dutch aspects of the education that was provided. The intention to create a pious and nationalist diaspora youth was a common denominator for the pedagogies of both mosques.


2012 ◽  
Vol 41 (1) ◽  
pp. 73-95 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jillian R. Cavanaugh

AbstractThis article focuses on how specific types of language use connect socially, geographically, and temporally distant speakers and span face-to-face and mediated language contexts. It examines one variety of political language (the Northern League register in Italy) in order to analyze how the interdiscursive potentials of register and stance-taking enable such connections. It also presents the metapragmatic effects of engaging in types of talk such as political language, which are less about individual expression or political participation, but are rather part of a complex of stance-taking and alignment of self within local and national political debates. Based on long-term ethnographic and linguistic research in Bergamo, Italy, this article introduces the concept of the interdiscursive trap, showing how the Northern League register functions in this capacity, forging indexical links to particular ideas and stances that some speakers find undesirable. (Political language, interdiscursivity, register, stance, Italy, Europe, Northern League, media)*


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