Party Leadership and Institutionalization in Latin America

Author(s):  
Diana Davila Gordillo ◽  
Kristin N. Wylie

In Latin America, a general discontent with political parties persists, fueling challenges to the quality of democracy. Two prominent limitations of Latin American democracies stem from the weakly institutionalized and unrepresentative character of many parties and party systems in the region. A regional overview of party longevity shows that older parties are the minority, and with few exceptions (Uruguay and Colombia), they control neither the government nor the opposition. Yet while earlier studies of party institutionalization in Latin America tended to focus on longevity, subsequent studies have emphasized the multidimensionality of the concept. Party institutionalization connotes not only longevity but also routinization of formal and informal procedures, organizational complexity and cohesion, and societal roots. As evidenced by parties throughout the region, those multiple dimensions are nonmutual. Even in inchoate party systems many Latin American parties have survived and routinized (sometimes informal) decision making procedures, often in the absence of organizational cohesion and societal roots. Although strong party organizations are important for democratic governance, they may be inversely related to party leadership, with strong leaders hindering party institutionalization. Leaders can alternatively play an important role in mobilizing voters and structuring party organizations, their routinization, and the party brand. While the region has been a global leader in the adoption of gender quotas and parity regimes and in women’s parliamentary representation, as of 2012, its party leadership remained dominated by men—the regional average in parties’ representation of women on their National Executive Commissions was just 20%. Willing party leaders in institutionalized parties are critical actors in the recruitment and support of candidates and can thus marshal party resources to help diversify party ranks. The inclusion of diverse voices in party leadership is important for responsiveness, legitimacy, and the quality of democracy more broadly.

2007 ◽  
Vol 40 (2) ◽  
pp. 558-560
Author(s):  
Marco Fonseca

From Movements to Parties in Latin America: The Evolution of Ethnic Politics, Donna Lee Van Cott, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004,pp. 300.During the 1980s and 90s the English literature on Latin American politics in the Anglo North American and Anglo European academic worlds roughly evolved from works centrally concerned—and discursively interconnected—with various models of transitions to democracy to the necessary processes that the new electoral democracies had to undergo and the policies they needed to implement to advance in the process of consolidation of democracy. For scholars who essentially viewed these processes either as largely completed in institutional terms or on their way to institutional maturity and stability, the focus of scholarly attention then shifted to more subtle questions of democratic quality. Donna Lee Van Cott's From Movements to Parties in Latin America: The Evolution of Ethnic Politics is a work that not only fits into the category of works fundamentally concerned with the issues and challenges associated with either the consolidation of democracy literature or the quality of democracy literature, but it is also a work that helps to develop the literature by highlighting a central variable of Latin American culture and politics, namely, indigenous ethnic movements and politics.


2019 ◽  
Vol 52 (13-14) ◽  
pp. 2032-2060 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ryan E. Carlin ◽  
Timothy Hellwig

The shifts from state-led development to neoliberalism in Latin America have prompted debates on the quality of democracy. Although most discussions focus on responsiveness, we examine how economic policy regimes influence accountability. How do policy regimes affect citizens’ ability to hold executives to accounts? This ability, we argue, strengthens where policy regimes are more statist and weakens where policy regimes are more market oriented. Time-series analyses of policy orientations, economic conditions, and presidential approval in 17 countries support this proposition, whereas complementary analyses at the individual-level are consistent with claims that policy regimes influence accountability via a responsibility mechanism. Findings from this study imply that by embracing heterodox policy regimes, recent Latin American executives have improved accountability compared with the era in which the “Washington Consensus” held sway.


2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (Supplement_1) ◽  
pp. 275-276
Author(s):  
Jose Aravena ◽  
Jean Gajardo ◽  
Laura Gitlin

Abstract In a scenario of increasing longevity and social inequalities, Latin-America is an important contributor to the worldwide dementia burden. Caregivers’ health is fundamental to maintain the person with dementia quality of life. However, caregiving is a culturally sensible role that requires tailored solutions. The aim is to synthesize the evidence about non-pharmacologic interventions targeted to caregivers of people with dementia in Latin-American contexts. A comprehensive review of interventions in caregivers and persons with dementia in Latin-American countries was conducted using MEDLINE, Embase, PsycINFO, and Scopus with studies published until January 27th, 2020. Randomized clinical trials of non-pharmacologic interventions targeted to caregivers of people with dementia or dyads where included. Qualitative synthesis of the evidence was presented and analyzed. Overall, 9 pilot RCT were included for the final analysis (6 Brazil, 1 Colombia, 1 Mexico, 1 Perú). The biggest study recruited 69 caregivers and the smallest 13 dyads, with follow-up range of 3-6 months. 5 control groups received at least some other non-standard care type of intervention. 8 were targeted exclusively to caregivers (4 group intervention, 3 individual, and 1 combined) and 1 multicomponent intervention. Most frequent measured outcomes were caregiver’s burden, anxiety, depressive symptoms, and quality of life, and person with dementia neuropsychiatric symptoms. Individual interventions report better results in caregiver parameters such as burden and depressive symptoms and person with dementia neuropsychiatric symptoms. Group interventions presented mixed results. Nevertheless, the quality of evidence was low. There is a critical need to study interventions for caregivers in Latin-American contexts.


Author(s):  
Jennifer Vanessa Zaldumbide Vaca ◽  
Angie Nathaly Santacruz Mediavilla ◽  
Pamela Fernanda Heredia Pazmiño

Better regulation is a public policy that governments implement to improve the quality of life of their citizens. These policies bring significant benefits to all market players, among the most palpable are innovation, administrative simplification, a clear commitment by the government, and competitiveness. A fundamental entity for the development of this type of regulation is the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD), whose main objective is to create policies that improve the quality of life of citizens around the world. Among the members of this organization are first world countries such as the United States and Spain, as well as third world Latin American countries such as Mexico and Colombia, whose government administration serves as a model for the Ecuadorian people. It is because, without considering that their economies are not as large, developed, and stable, they have managed with the commitment, perseverance, and responsibility to be supported by this international institution. Nowadays, the problem of over and deregulation that has remained in Ecuador. Since the beginning of its history, it serves as an axis of study to propose the implementation of regulatory improvement within its political system. In order do this, it must be considering the principles of governance, proper preparation for its application, and the professionalism of all market players.


Author(s):  
Carlos Meléndez ◽  
Sebastián Umpierrez de Reguero

Despite existing literature that often conflates the terms party membership and party activism, the first is a formal ascription with a given party organization, while the second entails a set of practices, whether sporadic, informal, or devoted, that (a group of) individuals perform to support a political party either during an electoral campaign or more permanently, independently of being enrolled in the party or not. Party members and activists can be analyzed from both the normative model of democracy and the inner functioning of political parties. Focusing on Latin America, party membership and party activism are related to various types of party organizations, social cleavages, and party identification. Individuals join, and/or work for, parties to gain tangible benefits, information, social advantages, and influence, as well as mental satisfaction, without which they could lose financial resources, time, and alternative opportunities. Moreover, prior contributions on party membership and activism based on Latin American countries has emphasized the functions party supporters have as connectors between the citizenry and the party organizations. In this regard, scholars conceive members’ participation not only as a mechanism for party rootedness (“vertical” function), but also as a connection between social and partisan arenas (“horizontal” function). In the region, the research area of party membership and activism portrays virtues and limitations in methodological terms both at the aggregate and the individual level. As a future research agenda, party membership and activism in Latin America should be further studied using comparative strategies, avoiding the pitfalls of public opinion research, not to mention making additional efforts to keep the two terms conceptually distinct. Also, party members and activists can be explored in transnational perspective, joining forces with the blooming literature of political party abroad.


2019 ◽  
Vol 35 (2) ◽  
pp. 196-204 ◽  
Author(s):  
Luis F Gomez ◽  
Carolina Soto-Salazar ◽  
José Guerrero ◽  
María Garcia ◽  
Diana C Parra

Abstract To conduct a systematic review examining the associations between neighborhood environments and self-rated health (SRH) and health-related quality of life (HR-QOL) in the urban context of Latin America. We conducted a structured search of quantitative studies in three bibliographic databases published in Spanish, English, Portuguese and French from January 1990 to December 2015. We restricted the search to studies conducted in Latin-American cities with one million and more inhabitants. Eleven studies were finally included in the analysis. Ten were cross-sectional studies and one was a cohort follow-up study. Two studies found positive associations between accessibility to parks and HR-QOL. One study found that high neighborhood social capital was positively associated with SRH. Neighborhood socioeconomic status was positively associated with both HR-QOL and SRH in two studies. A walkable neighborhood was positively associated with SRH in two studies. Three studies included attributes related with neighborhood security perception and road safety, with higher scores of HR-QOL, both in the physical and mental dimensions, while high levels of street noise were negatively associated. Narrowness and slope of streets were negatively associated with SRH. No association was found between the perception of neighborhood security and SRH. The results of this systematic review show that several studies conducted in Latin America have found significant associations between neighborhood environment and SRH and HRQOL. However, the relatively small number of studies and the heterogeneity among them require further studies to better understand this topic in the region.


2003 ◽  
Vol 55 (3) ◽  
pp. 423-455 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andy Baker

Despite wavy national economies and a perception among observers that economic globalization is growing increasingly unpopular, aggregate support for free trade remains quite high across Latin America. This finding is robust to the wording of survey questions and has been quite resilient through time, even in the face of economic stagnation. Current theories of trade preferences, including the widely applied Heckscher-Ohlin model, do not explain this trend. Instead, the author proposes a theory of trade preferences based not on what citizens produce but on what they consume. Statistical analyses of different surveys, including one conducted in fourteen Latin American countries, demonstrate that a consumption-based approach best accounts for trade preferences across individuals and countries. Moreover, the theory provides an explanation for the overall popularity of free trade in Latin America: citizens recognize and appreciate the lower price, increased variety, and higher quality of goods that have come in the wake of trade liberalization.


Author(s):  
Laura Wills-Otero

Since the beginning of the third wave of democratization in the late 1970s, Latin American party systems have confronted several challenges, and they have frequently been transformed. There have been various types of changes. While some systems collapsed in the 1990s (e.g., Venezuela and Peru), others realigned (Colombia, Chile, and Uruguay), or expanded (Argentina and Mexico), or were able to become consolidated and ensure their stability over time (e.g., Brazil). What factors explain the transformations in party systems during the past three decades, and how can Latin American party systems be classified according to their attributes? In trying to answer these questions, scholars of Latin America have undertaken studies that are both theoretically and empirically rich. Their work has increased our knowledge of the party systems and representative democracies in the region. Different factors have been highlighted in order to explain the changes these systems have undergone since the third wave of democratization. Some works emphasize the importance of institutional reforms introduced by politicians or by constitutional assemblies. The questions they address are the following: What political reforms have been introduced into Latin American political systems, and what effects have they had on the party systems in different countries? The researchers do not limit their attention to reforms of electoral systems. For example, some of them also study decentralization processes and their effects on party systems. From a different perspective, other authors focus on changes in electoral preferences and their effects on the configuration of political power, exploring how regional economic, political, and social changes have affected voter preferences and the political configuration of party systems. Still others consider the crises of democratic representation in these countries, underlining the decline in the programmatic character of parties as an explanatory variable for the crises and noting that the level of institutionalization of a party system declines when parties abandon this distinctive feature and become clientelistic or personalistic instead. On the other hand, in order to describe party systems and to observe the changes they have undergone, academics have proposed a set of concepts and measurements that make it possible to identify their levels of institutionalization (i.e., stability vs. volatility), nationalization, and programmatic structuration, among other aspects. The operationalization of these concepts has provided researchers with useful data for describing, comparing, and analyzing the party systems of the region transversely over time. Understanding the transformation and characteristics of Latin American party systems over time sheds light on both the progress democratic regimes have made and the setbacks they have suffered within specific countries and in the region at large.


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