4. Is Chinese society modern?

Author(s):  
Rana Mitter

Equality is a modern goal of many societies, both dictatorships and democracies. Chinese society has changed profoundly in many ways in recent decades. ‘Is Chinese society modern?’ analyses relations between men and women, countryside and city, and duties and obligations of the state and people in order to see how far Chinese society has modernized and whether this is at odds with the maintenance of the Chinese identity. There are aspects of contemporary Chinese society that have not changed: religious practice, preferences for male children in the countryside, and stress on hierarchy. Other aspects have seen massive change: a globalized economy, the language of equality and rights, and the closeness of the state and the people.

Author(s):  
Dr. R. G. Chidananda

The Parliament of India is the supreme legislative authority in the country and it is bicameral. It is divided into two houses – the Rajya Sabha, which is the Council of States, and the Lok Sabha, which is the House of the People. The Lok Sabha can be dissolved. In Rajya Sabha, 238 members are elected by the State and 12 members are nominated by the President for their contribution in the fields of art, literature, science and social services. The citizens of India directly elect the 543 members exercising the universal adult franchise. All the Indian citizens, who are aged 18 years and above, irrespective of their gender, caste, religion or race, are eligible to vote to elect their representatives to the Parliament. BASAVESHVARA established ANUBHAVA MANTAPA, a seat for intellectual discourses and provided equal opportunity to learn to all persons. It was a laboratory of Basaveshvara own preaching’s. He was the protagonist of equality and therefore the Anubhava Mantapa was open to all without distinctions of old and young, rich and poor, men and women, high and low, king and servants. It is a well-known fact that for centuries before Basaveshvara’s movement and also even during his period, there had been unimaginable wastage of talent because of the caste system. Basaveshvara pleaded for suitable opportunities to be provided for all the citizens for the fullest development of their personality. Learning had been the monopoly of a few privileged people only and a large section of the society was deprived of such a facility and it led to exploitation of the under-privileged by a few privileged ones. Basaveshvara revolted against such a system and proclaimed that knowledge is not the monopoly of a few people.


2016 ◽  
Vol 10 (3) ◽  
pp. 352-366 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bruce Baugh

In Bergsonism, Deleuze refers to Bergson's concept of an ‘open society’, which would be a ‘society of creators’ who gain access to the ‘open creative totality’ through acting and creating. Deleuze and Guattari's political philosophy is oriented toward the goal of such an open society. This would be a democracy, but not in the sense of the rule of the actually existing people, but the rule of ‘the people to come,’ for in the actually existing situation, such a people is ‘lacking’. When the people becomes a society of creators, the result is a society open to the future, creativity and the new. Their openness and creative freedom is the polar opposite of the conformism and ‘herd mentality’ condemned by Deleuze and Nietzsche, a mentality which is the basis of all narrow nationalisms (of ethnicity, race, religion and creed). It is the freedom of creating and commanding, not the Kantian freedom to obey Reason and the State. This paper uses Bergson's The Two Sources of Morality and Religion, and Deleuze and Guattari's Kafka: For a Minor Literature, A Thousand Plateaus and What is Philosophy? to sketch Deleuze and Guattari's conception of the open society and of a democracy that remains ‘to come’.


2018 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 101-115
Author(s):  
Munawir Munawir

Non-Muslim leadership becomes a problematic issue in the context of inter-religious relations in Indonesia, especially for Muslims in conducting religious-social-political relations with non- Muslims. The problematic position of this non-Muslim leadership issue is the state constitution allows but the religious constitution (based on the textuality of the Qur'an) forbids. How does M. Quraish Shihab respond as well as answer the problematic of the people in the case? It is this core issue that will be tested by the answer through this research. Using the descriptive-inferential method and the philosophical-historical approach (philosophical and historical approach), the conclusion that M. Quraish Shihab in interpreting the verses (ban) of non-Muslim leadership (Surat al-Maidah: 51, QS Ali 'Imran: 28, and QS al-Mumtahanah: 1) is contextual, or in other words, the verses are understood to be sociological and not theological. Therefore he allows non-Muslim leadership as long as the non-Muslims are not of a hostile group of Islam, even he does not allow the leadership of a Muslim if a Muslim is actually injurious Islam and harms the interests of Muslims.


2018 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 313-328
Author(s):  
Fathul Aminudin Aziz

Fines are sanctions or punishments that are applied in the form of the obligation to pay a sum of money imposed on the denial of a number of agreements previously agreed upon. There is debate over the status of fines in Islamic law. Some argue that fines may not be used, and some argue that they may be used. In the context of fines for delays in payment of taxes, in fiqh law it can be analogous to ta'zir bi al-tamlīk (punishment for ownership). This can be justified if the tax obligations have met the requirements. Whereas according to Islamic teachings, fines can be categorized as acts in order to obey government orders as taught in the hadith, and in order to contribute to the realization of mutual benefit in the life of the state. As for the amount of the fine, the government cannot arbitrarily determine fines that are too large to burden the people. Penalties are applied as a message of reprimand and as a means to cover the lack of the state budget.


Jurnal Hukum ◽  
2014 ◽  
Vol 30 (2) ◽  
pp. 1477
Author(s):  
Suparji Suparji

 AbstractThe president—Jokowi, has a mandate from the people to make Indonesia to be more equitable and prosperous. In order to fulfill this mandate, he has set nine priority programs known as the concept of Nawa Cipta. This program calls for concrete steps so as not merely a wish list. The most fundamental thing in economics field is how the constitutional mandate that the right to dominate the state can be realized in the management of economic activities, including in dealing with foreign economic domination in IndonesiaKeywords: implementation, the right to dominate the state, foreign economic domination.  AbstrakPresiden Jokowi telah mendapatkan mandat dari rakyat untuk mewujudkan Indonesia yang lebih adil dan sejahtera. Dalam rangka memenuhi mandat tersebut, telah ditetapkan sembilan program prioritas       yang dikenal dengan konsep Nawa Cipta. Program ini tentunya memerlukan langkah-langkah kongkret sehingga tidak sekedar menjadi daftar keinginan. Hal yang paling mendasar dalam bidang ekonomi adalah bagaimana amanat konstitusi yakni hak menguasai negara dapat diwujudkan dalam pengelolaan kegiatan perekonomian, termasuk dalam mengatasi dominasi perekonomian asing di Indonesia.  Kata kunci: implementasi, hak menguasai negara, dominasi perekonomian asing  


2019 ◽  
Vol 5 (4) ◽  
pp. 180-190
Author(s):  
Rajkumar Bind

This paper examines the development of modern vaccination programme of Cooch Behar state, a district of West Bengal of India during the nineteenth century. The study has critically analysed the modern vaccination system, which was the only preventive method against various diseases like small pox, cholera but due to neglect, superstation and religious obstacles the people of Cooch Behar state were not interested about modern vaccination. It also examines the sex wise and castes wise vaccinators of the state during the study period. The study will help us to growing conciseness about modern vaccination among the peoples of Cooch Behar district.   


1982 ◽  
Vol 24 (3-5) ◽  
pp. 82-100
Author(s):  
Z. Pataridze
Keyword(s):  

2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 150-158
Author(s):  
A. V. Zhuchkova

The article deals with A. Bushkovsky’s novel Rymba that goes beyond the topics typical of Russian North prose. Rather than limiting himself to admiring nature and Russian character, the author portrays the northern Russian village of Rymba in the larger context of the country’s mentality, history, mythology, and gender politics. In the novel, myth clashes with reality, history with the present day, and an individual with the state. The critic draws a comparison between the novel and the traditions of village prose and Russian North prose. In particular, Bushkovsky’s Rymba is discussed alongside V. Rasputin’s Farewell to Matyora [ Proshchanie s Matyoroy ] and R. Senchin’s The Flood Zone [ Zona zatopleniya ]. The novel’s central question is: what keeps the Russian world afloat? Depicting the Christian faith as such a bulwark, Bushkovsky links atheism with the social and spiritual roles played by contemporary men and women. The critic argues, however, that the reliance on Christianity in the novel verges on an affectation. The book’s main symbol is a drowning hawk: it perishes despite people’s efforts to save it.


Author(s):  
Оlena Fedorіvna Caracasidi

The article deals with the fundamental, inherent in most of the countries of the world transformation of state power, its formation, functioning and division between the main branches as a result of the decentralization of such power, its subsidiarity. Attention is drawn to the specifics of state power, its func- tional features in the conditions of sovereignty of the states, their interconnec- tion. It is emphasized that the nature of the state power is connected with the nature of the political system of the state, with the form of government and many other aspects of a fundamental nature.It is analyzed that in the middle of national states the questions of legitima- cy, sovereignty of transparency of state power, its formation are acutely raised. Concerning the practical functioning of state power, a deeper study now needs a problem of separation of powers and the distribution of power. The use of this principle, which ensures the real subsidiarity of the authorities, the formation of more effective, responsible democratic relations between state power and civil society, is the first priority of the transformation of state power in the conditions of modern transformations of countries and societies. It is substantiated that the research of these problems will open up much wider opportunities for the provi- sion of state power not as a center authority, but also as a leading political structure but as a power of the people and the community. In the context of global democratization processes, such processes are crucial for a more humanistic and civilized arrangement of human life. It is noted that local self-government, as a specific form of public power, is also characterized by an expressive feature of a special subject of power (territorial community) as a set of large numbers of people; joint communal property; tax system, etc.


Author(s):  
Akil Ibrahim Al-Zuhari

The article defines the features of the process of forming the research tradition of studying the institute of parliamentarism as a mechanism for the formation of democracy. It is established that parliamentarism acts as one of the varieties of the regime of functioning of the state, to which the independence of the representative body from the people is inherent, its actual primacy in the state mechanism, the division of functions between the legislative and executive branches of government, the responsibility and accountability of the government to the parliament. It is justified that, in addition to the regime that fully meets the stated requirements of classical parliamentarism, there are regimes that can be characterized as limited parliamentary regimes. The conclusions point out that parliamentarism does not necessarily lead to a democracy regime. At the first stage of development of statehood, it functions for a long time in the absence of many attributes of democracy, but at the present stage, without parliamentarism, democracy will be substantially limited. Modern researchers of parliamentarism recognize that this institution is undergoing changes with the development of the processes of democracy and democratization. This is what produces different approaches to its definition. However, most scientists under classical parliamentarianism understand such a system, which is based on the balance of power. This approach seeks to justify limiting the rights of parliament and strengthening executive power. Keywords: Parliamentarism, research strategy, theory of parliamentarism, types of parliamentarism


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