Sangh and Sarkar

2019 ◽  
pp. 133-150
Author(s):  
Pralay Kanungo
Keyword(s):  
The Political ◽  
New Delhi ◽  
Political Arena ◽  
The Public ◽  
Cultural Events ◽  
Cultural Organization ◽  
The Past ◽  
The Government ◽  
Joint Enterprise

This chapter examines the hazy boundaries between the RSS and the BJP. The 2014 elections were a point de départ for this nexus to govern India together. There was no longer the pretense of the RSS being a cultural organization. This is illustrated by various examples of RSS leaders who are now ministers in the government. This differs from the past, wherein the RSS took a backseat and behaved like an ideological mentor in the public eye. These days, their maneuvers are largely discernible in the political arena. If Modi has charisma and leadership, Bhagwat has organization and authority, together they make India’s joint enterprise by sharing power. The RSS manages the grassroots Hindutva network through education and cultural events, with an increasing influence over the state’s apparatus, it seems like New Delhi is running from Nagpur.

scholarly journals The Political University in Argentina in the 1990's

2001 ◽  
Vol 9 ◽  
pp. 22 ◽  
Author(s):  
Adriana Chiroleu ◽  
Osvaldo Iazzetta ◽  
Claudia Voras ◽  
Claudio Diaz
Keyword(s):  
Public Institution ◽  
Executive Power ◽  
The Political ◽  
University Autonomy ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Past ◽  
State Participation ◽  
National University ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Way

Although university autonomy was apparently protected during Carlos Menem's government (1989-1999), actually it was gradually undergoing substantial changes. "Intrusive" devices had been prepared by the executive power, thus causing the restriction of its objectives. This kind of state participation was less explicit than in the past, being now associated with the establishment of a system of "punishment and reward," in which financing is subordinated to "performance," evaluated according to the parameters of multilateral credit organizations . In this work, we analyse the way in which this conflict took place under Menem's government, contrasting the meanings given to the idea of autonomy by the government and by the public institution; attentin focuses on the case of the National University of Rosario.

Chasing Rainbows: 2005–2020

2021 ◽  
pp. 253-294
Author(s):  
Justin Collings
Keyword(s):  
South Africa ◽  
Criminal Law ◽  
The Political ◽  
Constitutional Court ◽  
Economic Rights ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Past ◽  
Problematic Relationship ◽  
Constitutional Justice ◽  
The Government

This chapter highlights how the Constitutional Court of South Africa has engaged with the memory of apartheid since 2005. It shows how many of the patterns of earlier years persisted—aggressive invocations of apartheid in cases of criminal law or criminal procedure, or when the political stakes were low, but more reticence when confronting the government or applying socio-economic rights provisions. But there was a definite sea change as the Court increasingly confronted the clientelism, cronyism, and corruption that had become endemic to uninterrupted single-party rule. In 2016, the Court dramatically invoked the memory of apartheid to underwrite its decision requiring President Jacob Zuma and his abettors to repay the millions spent from the public treasury on a “security upgrade” to the president’s private residence in Nkandla. The chapter concludes by noting the problematic relationship between constitutional justice and collective memory, and describing how the Court, although it recognizes the problem, nonetheless remains committed to adjudicating in the present by the light of the past.

The Indian National Congress: a hundred-year perspective

1987 ◽  
Vol 119 (2) ◽  
pp. 289-305
Author(s):  
David Taylor
Keyword(s):  
National Level ◽  
Political Activity ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Scientist ◽  
New Delhi ◽  
The Past ◽  
Continuous Stream ◽  
National Congress ◽  
The Government ◽  
Sheer Number

India, it is often pointed out both by Indians and by others, is the world's largest democracy, not simply in terms of the sheer number of people who participate in elections but also because of the continuous stream of open political activity. Democracy is not just a label that has been applied to the country at the whim of an individual or clique but is manifestly something that is alive and well. In the last decade alone, there have been two changes of government at the national level, and the government in New Delhi currently coexists, more or less willingly, with non-Congress ministries in several major states. There have indeed been voices to suggest that India in its present economic circumstances cannot afford the luxury of uncontrolled political activity. One of the arguments, for example, put forward for a presidential system has been that the level of “unproductive” political activity would be reduced. It could certainly be argued that the relatively sluggish rate of economic growth that has been maintained over the past four decades is linked to political constraints. That question, however, is not the theme of this article. For better or worse, India's democracy is here to stay, and one of the most important tasks for the historian or the political scientist, is to try to identify the factors that have given it its apparent staying power.

scholarly journals ¿Quién tiene derecho a recordar? Las disputas por la memoria durante los gobiernos kirchneristas (Argentina, 2003-2015)

2021 ◽  
pp. 315
Author(s):  
Cinthia Bale
Keyword(s):  
Main Memory ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Arena ◽  
Detention Center ◽  
Memory Politics ◽  
National Parliament ◽  
The Past ◽  
State Involvement ◽  
The Government ◽  
Memory Conflicts

El artículo se propone abordar las principales disputas que tuvieron lugar en Argentina frente al involucramiento del Estado en la formulación de “políticas de memoria” durante los gobiernos de Néstor Kirchner y Cristina Fernández de Kirchner (2003-2015). Para ello, nos detendremos en las discusiones que tuvieron lugar en el Congreso Nacional en ocasión de la construcción de un Museo en el ex Centro Clandestino de Detención ESMA. Analizaremos las principales críticas formuladas por la oposición partidaria en clave de “ilegitimidad”, “apropiación” y “banalización” de la memoria. La reconstrucción de estos argumentos y las respuestas esgrimidas por el oficialismo nos permitirán dar cuenta de los términos en que se desarrolló la disputa política por el pasado e introducir algunas consideraciones en torno del papel otorgado al “consenso” como modo de legitimación de la acción estatal en la materia.¿Who is entitled to remember? Memory conflicts during Kirchner and Fernández de Kirchner’s administrations in Argentina (2003-2015).The articleanalyses the main memory conflicts that took place in Argentina vis- à-vis the State involvement in memory politics during Néstor Kirchner and Fernández de Kirchner’s administrations (2003-2015).  To this effect, it examines some of the debates held in the national parliament concerning the construction of a museum at the ex- clandestine detention center ESMA. It goes over the main critiques made by the political opposition (expressed in terms of “illegitimacy”, “appropriation” and “trivialization of memories”) and the responses held by the government. Altogether, this analysis will show the way in which the political arena dealt with the past in contemporary Argentina and will allow us to introduce some consideration  Key words: Memory politics, Kirchnerism, State, ESMA

E-Projects Challenges in India – Role of Human Resource Management and Technology

2018 ◽  
Vol 6 (8) ◽  
pp. 263
Author(s):  
Ramnik Kaur
Keyword(s):  
Developing Countries ◽  
Public Administration ◽  
Paradigm Shift ◽  
Successful Implementation ◽  
The Public ◽  
Government Services ◽  
The Past ◽  
The Government ◽  
Traditional Approaches

E-governance is a paradigm shift over the traditional approaches in Public Administration which means rendering of government services and information to the public by using electronic means. In the past decades, service quality and responsiveness of the government towards the citizens were least important but with the approach of E-Government the government activities are now well dealt. This paper withdraws experiences from various studies from different countries and projects facing similar challenges which need to be consigned for the successful implementation of e-governance projects. Developing countries like India face poverty and illiteracy as a major obstacle in any form of development which makes it difficult for its government to provide e-services to its people conveniently and fast. It also suggests few suggestions to cope up with the challenges faced while implementing e-projects in India.

Frozen Negotiations: The Peace Process in Chiapas

2006 ◽  
Vol 22 (1) ◽  
pp. 131-152 ◽  
Author(s):  
Raúúl Beníítez Manaut ◽  
Andrew Selee ◽  
Cynthia J. Arnson
Keyword(s):  
Armed Conflict ◽  
Democratic Transition ◽  
Political Process ◽  
Peace Process ◽  
Democratic Society ◽  
The Political ◽  
Peace Agreement ◽  
The Past ◽  
The Government ◽  
Better Than

Mexico's democratic transition has helped reduce, if not eliminate, the threat of renewed armed conflict in Chiapas. However, absent more active measures from the government and the Ejéército Zapatista de Liberacióón Nacional (EZLN) to seek a permanent peace agreement and come to terms with the legacies of the past, the conflict will linger on in an unstable déétente, which we term ““armed peace.”” While this situation is far better than the open hostilities of the past, it also belies the promise of a fully democratic society in which all citizens are equally included in the political process. La transicióón democráática en Mééxico ha contribuido a reducir, si no eliminar, la posibilidad de que el conflicto armado en Chiapas se reanude. Sin embargo, sin esfuerzos mas activos por parte del gobierno y del Ejéército Zapatista de Liberacióón Nacional (EZLN) para buscar un acuerdo de paz permanente y saldar cuentas con el pasado, el conflicto permaneceráá en un estado inestable que llamamos ““paz armada””. Aunque esta situacióón es mucho mejor que las tensiones y agresiones del pasado, no cumple los requisitos de una sociedad plenamente democráática en que todos los ciudadanos participan en condiciones de igualdad en el proceso políítico.

The Singapore Ulama

2014 ◽  
Vol 42 (5) ◽  
pp. 561-583 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tuty Raihanah Mostarom
Keyword(s):  
Political Life ◽  
The Political ◽  
Religious Leaders ◽  
Muslim Community ◽  
Political Arena ◽  
Political Choice ◽  
Political Role ◽  
Close Relationship ◽  
The Government ◽  
Common Perception

There is a common perception that Muslim religious leaders (ulama) in Singapore do not play any political role for the local Muslim community. Due to the seemingly close relationship between the government and grassroots Muslim organisations it is unsurprising that many presume that the activities of organisations such as the Islamic Religious Council of Singapore (MUIS) and the Singapore Islamic Scholars and Religious Teachers Association (PERGAS) are closely monitored by the government. As a result of this environment, the ulama in Singapore do not enter into the political arena. This article argues that the very act of keeping religion out of formal political life in Singapore is a conscious position taken by the local ulama and that in itself is a form of politics. Choosing not to do something is a political choice.

The Relationship Between Government Popularity and Approval for the Government's Record in the United Kingdom

1985 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 165-186 ◽  
Author(s):  
John Hudson
Keyword(s):  
The Public ◽  
The Past ◽  
The United Kingdom ◽  
State Of The Economy ◽  
Degree Of Stability ◽  
Key Variables ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Opinion Polls

The past decade has seen the growth of a considerable literature on the link between government popularity, as reflected by the proportion of the public indicating their intention to vote for the government in opinion polls, and the state of the economy, as represented by certain key variables. The work began in the early 1970s with articles by Goodhart and Bhansali, Mueller, and Kramer. It continued through the decade; some of the more recent contributions can be found in a set of readings edited by Hibbs and Fassbender. However, despite the amount and quality of this work, problems remain. Principal amongst these, as Chrystal and Alt have pointed out, is the inability to estimate a relationship which exhibits any degree of stability either over time or between researchers. Nearly all the studies have been successful in finding a significant relationship for specific time periods, but when these are extended, or when the function is used to forecast outside the original estimation period, the relationship appears to break down.

scholarly journals Minister-Permanent Secretary Relationships: Lessons from Zimbabwe’s Government of national Unity

2014 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 23
Author(s):  
Tawanda Zinyama ◽  
Joseph Tinarwo
Keyword(s):  
Public Administration ◽  
Public Service ◽  
Political Process ◽  
Large Degree ◽  
The State ◽  
Team Work ◽  
The Political ◽  
National Unity ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Government

Public administration is carried out through the public service. Public administration is an instrument of the State which is expected to implement the policy decisions made from the political and legislative processes. The rationale of this article is to assess the working relationships between ministers and permanent secretaries in the Government of National Unity in Zimbabwe. The success of the Minister depends to a large degree on the ability and goodwill of a permanent secretary who often has a very different personal or professional background and whom the minster did not appoint. Here lies the vitality of the permanent secretary institution. If a Minister decides to ignore the advice of the permanent secretary, he/she may risk of making serious errors. The permanent secretary is the key link between the democratic process and the public service. This article observed that the mere fact that the permanent secretary carries out the political, economic and social interests and functions of the state from which he/she derives his/her authority and power; and to which he/she is accountable,  no permanent secretary is apolitical and neutral to the ideological predisposition of the elected Ministers. The interaction between the two is a political process. Contemporary administrator requires complex team-work and the synthesis of diverse contributions and view-points.

scholarly journals Esham, the Origin of Sukuk for Facing the Crisis: Historical Experience

2021 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 45
Author(s):  
Khairunnisa Musari
Keyword(s):  
Lower Cost ◽  
Low Cost ◽  
Foreign Debt ◽  
Historical Experience ◽  
The Public ◽  
Goods And Services ◽  
The Past ◽  
State Budgets ◽  
The Difference ◽  
The Government

Pandemic brings a crisis. This makes world leaders have to work hard and smartly in managing state budgets. During the heyday of Islam, Muslims also faced crises. Given that time the power of Islam mastered many areas of the world, it can be assumed that the crisis that occurred in the past was a global crisis as it is happening today. The difference is the crisis that occurred at the time because of losing the war. This paper tries to describe the historical experience of the esham, one of the fiscal instruments in the Islamic world that helped the Ottoman Empire overcome the crisis. Esham has mobilized low-cost funds from the public in a relatively concise time. Esham served as a better choice than looking for foreign debt. As the origin of sukuk, esham has simpler structure so that can be used as an alternative to sukuk with a lower cost. To deal with a crisis, esham may intervene in the economy. Esham funds to the real sector in turn will help the government drive the economy as well as control prices in the market for goods and services. Therefore, esham has the potential in facing the crisis.

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