Sirte’s Tribes Under the Islamic State

2018 ◽  
pp. 153-180
Author(s):  
Virginie Collombier
Keyword(s):  
Regime Change ◽  
Political Influence ◽  
Local Communities ◽  
Military Power ◽  
Islamic State ◽  
Key Factors ◽  
Local Society ◽  
Coastal City ◽  
Relations Of Power ◽  
The City

This chapter focuses on the Libyan coastal city of Sirte, a former stronghold of Mu’ammar Qaddafi and his regime, and analyses the circumstances under which it fell under the control of the Islamic State (IS) between 2015 and 2017. It argues that the tribal character of the local society combined with the influence of the Salafist current within the tribes and their search for a channel to regain political influence and military power after the regime change are not sufficient to explain why IS could develop and take root in Sirte. Rather, it underlines the dramatic impact of the 2011 war on relations of power and authority within the local communities, as well as the incapacity of Libya’s transitional authorities to provide security in the city as key factors that contributed to Sirte becoming a Jihadist platform in Libya and North Africa.

Gender relations within the so-called Islamic State in Iraq and the Levant (ISIS)

2021 ◽  
Vol 27 ◽  
pp. 234-263
Author(s):  
ASMAA RASHEED ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Key Words ◽  
International Organizations ◽  
Gender Relations ◽  
Private Sphere ◽  
The Internet ◽  
Islamic State ◽  
Male Domination ◽  
Extremist Group ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
The City

In June 2014, fighters belonging to an extremist group calling itself (ISIS) and nicknamed (ISIS) invaded the city of Mosul, the second largest Iraqi governorate, and announced the establishment of the Islamic Islamic Caliphate, which lasted until 2017. ISIS's control spread values related to the isolation of women and a hierarchical vision of the relationship between the sexes that works to reinforce and consecrate male domination and places women in a lower position. Several mechanisms have been adopted with the aim of returning women to the private sphere and keeping them at home, including the imposition of legal dress and preventing women from going out except with a mahram, and the rule of hisbah and penalties. The current study aims to provide an understanding of the laws and ideology governing gender relations within societies that ISIS has controlled for more than two years. It addresses three main issues, including the harassment of women, the attempt to control their bodies, and the monitoring and punishment mechanisms that were practiced on women. And the roles of women in societies dominated by the organization, and the issue of marriage. The study relied on testimonies and interviews conducted with a number of women who lived through ISIS rule in Mosul, Salah al-Din and Fallujah. In addition to reports issued by international organizations and documents published on the Internet and news circulated, which gave the information obtained more reliability. Key words: Iraq, ISIS, women, isolation, punishment, roles, marriage

Ethiopian Exceptionalism and the Eritrea-Ethiopia Boundary Commission

2017 ◽  
Vol 25 (2) ◽  
pp. 135-157
Author(s):  
James D. Fry
Keyword(s):  
International Law ◽  
Military Power ◽  
Key Factors ◽  
General Sense ◽  
Relative Lack ◽  
Global Leader

This article explores the reasons why Ethiopia relied on legal resolution with its territorial boundary dispute with Eritrea when it could have relied on its relative military power to dictate the terms and conditions of peace. It dismisses Ethiopia's familiarity with Western-style legal resolution and its relative lack of nationalism as potential explanations, instead focusing on Ethiopia's general sense of exceptionalism from its history as an African and global leader and as a respecter of international law, among other key factors. Ethiopia's example provides considerable hope that legal resolution can be used more frequently with politically sensitive disputes between states.

Self-government and 1911 in China: Revolution or Continuity in the Political Participation in Sichuan Province?

2012 ◽  
Vol 17 (01) ◽  
pp. 165-189
Author(s):  
Monica de Togni
Keyword(s):  
Central Government ◽  
Active Role ◽  
Local Communities ◽  
Sichuan Province ◽  
The Political ◽  
Local Policy ◽  
Role Taking ◽  
Local Society ◽  
Western Sichuan ◽  
The Creation

The process that led to the creation of self-government organs, and their activities in the first years of their existence, shows a consistent continuity between the imperial and the republican institutions, but also some changes in the institutional behaviour of the representatives of the local communities before and after the 1911’s revolution. The different meaning attributed to the institutional reforms as they appear to have been interpreted by the Qing Court, from the interpretations by the local society - a tools to control the political activism of the local notables vs a means to play a more active role in the local policy -, did not interfere with the creation of the organs of self-government, a part of the new structure to be built for the constitutional monarchy scheduled through imperial edicts on 27th August, 1908. The local activism and activities, as they are illustrated for Sichuan province through provincial and county archive documents, local gazetteers and reviews, show contradictory tendencies even as relates to some officials, and part of local communities anticipating sometimes the dispositions by the central government for the implementations of self-government, and some resistance by the people who had the right to vote in the participation to the preparatory process for the poll. However, the flourishing of self-government councils of the lower level and the fields of their interventions as representatives of the local communities show a very positive attitude on part of the local communities that continued until Yuan Shikai closed them down in 1914. This study will be concentrating on this aspect and will include, among other things, the case-study of Xuanhan county in north-western Sichuan, where a powerful local lineage played a very relevant role, taking advantage of the disruption of the provincial institutional order.

scholarly journals Osoby duchowne w otoczeniu i czynnościach prawnych księcia gdańskiego Warcisława II

2020 ◽  
pp. 229-264
Author(s):  
Mateusz Szuba
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
Middle Class ◽  
Political Influence ◽  
Political Context ◽  
The State ◽  
Source Information ◽  
The City

The above paper deals with the clergy in the state of Warcisław II, Duke of Gdańsk and East­­­‑Pomerania between 1266 and 1269/70. The careers of representatives of this class are reconstructed by collecting and verifying source information and the extensive discussions of earlier historians. Four clergymen from Gdańsk, 2 from Słupsk, and Michael priest of “Saulyn” have been authenticated, but it is not certain that the last two places actually belonged to Warcisław’s state. The main conclusion of this research is that during the reign of Warcisław II, clergy were of political significance. They served in administration and in an early chancellery service, as in the case of a group of clergy in the fortified church in Gdańsk. It is likely that one of local priests­­­‑ Wacław/Unisław – was also probably related to an influential gentry family This was also probably the case with Luder, priest of St. Catharine’s Church in the city of Gdańsk. He was probably an agent mediating between the Duke and the middle class. Warcisław II had good relations with the middle class and its political influence was growing during his reign. In Słupsk, too, the clergy participated in changing political affiliations, but that is visible only later. Clergymen also supported other dukes; this was visible and of importance during the East­­­‑Pomeranian civil war (1269–1271) between Warcisław II and Msciwoj II, which ended in the former’s exile. One historian believes that the priest Michael served in Salino in East­­­‑Pomerania. Perhaps his presence in a privilege from 1268 had a political context – by that act Warcisław II could show his claims to Białogarda’s land. This had been mortgaged to the Teutonic Order by Duke Racibor. Otherwise, according to the opinion of Klemens Bruski, Michael could have served in another place – Słona near Kościerzyna.

scholarly journals Waqf Development in Marawi City via Issuance of Perpetual Waqf Sukuk

2019 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 68-80 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nur Shukri ◽  
Siti Zamri ◽  
Aishath Muneeza ◽  
Hanif Ghulam
Keyword(s):  
Qualitative Research ◽  
Limited Resources ◽  
Islamic Finance ◽  
Research Approach ◽  
Islamic State ◽  
Secondary Sources ◽  
The Government ◽  
Close Quarter ◽  
The City

Since 2017, the city of Marawi was left in ruins after five months of aerial bombardments and close-quarter fighting between Islamic State of Iraq and al-Sham (ISIS) and government forces. Many buildings were destroyed; mosques and schools are no exceptions. While rebuilding efforts have begun in the city, the government has limited resources to fund city reconstruction and Waqf properties (e.g. mosques and schools) are not constitutionally considered as part of the government assets. Fortunately, the government seeks to channel funding for city reconstruction, including Islamic finance schemes. Therefore, this paper aims to assess the opportunities and challenges to rebuild Waqf properties through the issuance of Sukuk, Islamic bond. This paper adopts a qualitative research approach where secondary sources such as books, journals, articles and websites related to Waqf are reviewed. The paper also examines the successful examples of Sukuk-Waqf as part of the analysis.

scholarly journals Politik Identitas Islam dan Pengaruhnya Terhadap Demokrasi di Indonesia

POLITEA ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 181
Author(s):  
Haikal Fadhil Anam
Keyword(s):  
Political Identity ◽  
Political Influence ◽  
Learning Phase ◽  
The Political ◽  
Islamic State ◽  
Political Will ◽  
Large Wave ◽  
The Future ◽  
Islamic Identity ◽  
Rule Out

<p>The political identity of Islam emerged in a very large wave after the mobilization of time at the Jakarta elections in 2016. This has many implications for various aspects of State life, including the current democracy in Indonesia. In this case, Indonesia is a country that is still in the learning phase of democracy. The political influence of Islamic identity on democracy will make the nation split. This is backed by the strong narrative of the Political Islamic Group which at the end of the goal, wanted to establish the Islamic State. The future is political, will further heed and mobilize Muslims, as a majority, and rule out other religions.</p><p> </p>

scholarly journals Wpływ kapitału społecznego mieszkańców na kształtowanie przestrzeni wspólnych w środowisku mieszkaniowym

2020 ◽  
pp. 42-54
Author(s):  
Anna Cudny
Keyword(s):  
Social Capital ◽  
Built Environment ◽  
Public Space ◽  
Development Strategy ◽  
Urban Space ◽  
National Development ◽  
Local Communities ◽  
Aesthetic Quality ◽  
The Social ◽  
The City

Influence of social capital of inhabitants on shaping common spaces in a housing environment The last two decades of the century have brought unusually many changes in the built environment. These include not only changes directly related to the emergence of a new urban fabric, but also changes in social attitudes towards common spaces located in residential areas. The built environment has never been evaluated so strongly. This assessment translates not only into the everyday outdoor activities of residents (necessary, optional and social activities), but also to economic projects (purchase, sale and rental of real estate). At the same time, the city ceases to be, as it has been so far, mainly subjected to criticism, and the residents are gradually changing their demanding attitude concerning the development of space to participate in the process of its creation. Society wants to have a real impact on urban space, especially on the space closest to them. Thus, the right to the city is no longer a privilege or a duty, but it becomes a need. Trying to meet this need results in a phenomenon which we can increasingly observe in Poland, and which we have been witnessing abroad for many years: activities in public space are changing into activities for public space. They include the transformation of common spaces related to the place of residence—improving their aesthetic quality, functional changes, modernization of development elements. Observing numerous examples of public participation in shaping public spaces, it was noticed that the initiation, course and effects of activities largely depend on the social capital of the group undertaking said activity. Accordingly, there is a need for research on the mutual relation between the level of social capital and the issue of shaping and managing public space with the participation of local communities, which will be the main topic of the paper. To investigate the above-mentioned issue, qualitative research methods were used in relation to the relationship: site visit, non-participant observation and focus interviews. This contributed to a comparative study of three selected Warsaw case studies. They were analysed in terms of meeting the qualitative criteria selected for the study. These criteria have been indicated on the basis of the Social Capital Development Strategy 2020, which is one of the parts of the Medium-Term National Development Strategy. The result of the analyses is an indication of derived factors from within the group of space users and external factors that have a positive and negative impact on initiating, carrying out and maintaining the effects of changes in common spaces developed with the participation of local communities in Polish conditions. The conclusions can be used to improve future participation processes related to urban space - both by non-professionals participating in them, as well as experts - architects and town planners.

Epilogue

2020 ◽  
pp. 179-184
Author(s):  
He Bian
Keyword(s):  
Human Nature ◽  
Moral Agency ◽  
Local Communities ◽  
Vantage Point ◽  
Modern China ◽  
The Political ◽  
National Politics ◽  
Local Society ◽  
The Government ◽  
Shed Light

This concluding chapter turns to developments in the bencao tradition after the fall of Qing China and considers the broader implications of this study on modern China. It asserts that while the making of the bencao pharmacopeia had long faded from the government-sponsored cultural stage, the power of pharmaceutical objecthood endured in less centralized expressions. The popularization of pharmaceutical culture mirrored the efforts of local communities’ efforts to reclaim moral agency in the wake of the traumatic Taiping Wars (1852–1864) and the Arrow War (1856–1860). Pharmacists joined forces with resident gentry, clergy, and a growing contingent of Confucian activists to rebuild local society and reshape national politics. The struggle for authority over the nature of drugs thus continues to shed light on the complex interplay among knowledge, power, and ethics in modern China; pharmacy remains a good vantage point from which to observe the perennial search for consensus over the political administration of human nature.

The destruction and looting of cultural heritage sites by ISIS in Syria: The case of Manbij and its countryside

2021 ◽  
Vol 28 (2) ◽  
pp. 221-260
Author(s):  
Adnan Almohamad
Keyword(s):  
Archaeological Site ◽  
Archaeological Sites ◽  
Islamic State ◽  
Documentary Evidence ◽  
Income Source ◽  
Heritage Sites ◽  
Power Stations ◽  
Primary Documents ◽  
The Rich ◽  
The City

AbstractThe Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS) occupied the city of Manbij and its countryside from 23 January 2014 until 12 August 2016. During this period, the region suffered greatly as ISIS monopolized control and brutally imposed its ideology. Fierce battles were fought for the control of oil wells, bakeries, mills, dams, and power stations, all of which were sources of revenue. Antiquities were soon recognized as another potential income source. This article demonstrates the ways in which ISIS began to administer and facilitate the looting of antiquities through the Diwan Al-Rikaz. Within this diwan, ISIS established the Qasmu Al-Athar, which was specifically responsible for looting antiquities. Based on interviews conducted in 2015 and primary documents, this article studies the specific ways in which ISIS facilitated the quarrying and looting of antiquities in Manbij and the rich archaeological sites of its countryside. Further, by examining the damage at a previously undocumented archaeological site, Meshrefet Anz, the looting of antiquities under the direct supervision of the Diwan Al-Rikaz is studied. Using documentary evidence including ISIS’s internal documentation as well as photographs collected by the author between 2014 and 2016, the article demonstrates the methods used by ISIS, reveals its financial motivations, and bears witness to the damage done at specific Syrian heritage sites.

Introduction

2020 ◽  
pp. 1-15
Author(s):  
Teo Ballvé
Keyword(s):  
Political Influence ◽  
The State ◽  
Political Life ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Spectrum ◽  
Relations Of Power ◽  
Violent Conflicts ◽  
Do So

This introductory chapter briefly explores the ways in which imaginaries of statelessness have structured the political life of Urabá, Colombia. It argues that Colombia's violent conflicts have produced surprisingly coherent and resilient regimes of accumulation and rule—yet this is not to say they are benevolent. In order to do so, this chapter approaches the state as a dynamic ensemble of relations that is both an effect and an instrument of competing political strategies and relations of power. In Urabá, groups from across the political spectrum, armed and otherwise, all end up trying to give concrete coherence to the inherently unwieldy abstraction of the state in a space where it supposedly does not exist. The way this absence exerts a generative political influence is what this chapter establishes as the “frontier effect.” The frontier effect describes how the imaginary of statelessness in these spaces compels all kinds of actors to get into the business of state formation; it thrusts groups into the role of would-be state builders.

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