Under the Banner of Islam

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gülay Türkmen
Keyword(s):  
Conflict Resolution ◽  
Participant Observation ◽  
National Identities ◽  
Symbiotic Relationship ◽  
Ethnic Conflicts ◽  
Religious Identities ◽  
Conflict Zones ◽  
Limited Impact ◽  
Sunni Islam ◽  
Kurdish Conflict

How do religious, ethnic, and national identities interact in religiously homogenous ethnic conflicts? Is it possible for religion to act as a resolution tool in such conflicts? Why? Why not? In search for answers to these questions, Under the Banner of Islam focuses on the ambivalent role Sunni Islam has played in Turkey’s Kurdish conflict—both as a conflict-resolution tool and as a tool of resistance—in the last two decades. Relying mainly on participant observation in Civil Friday Prayers and 62 interviews conducted in three different cities in Turkey (Istanbul and the majority-Kurdish Diyarbakir and Batman) between June 2012 and June 2013, it demonstrates that Sunni Islam has had a very limited impact as a conflict-resolution tool in Turkey. Blending interview data with a detailed historical institutional analysis that goes back as early as the nineteenth century, it argues that the strength of Turkish and Kurdish nationalisms, the symbiotic relationship between Turkey’s religious and political fields, religious elites’ varying conceptualizations of religious and ethnic identities, and the recent political developments in the region (particularly the establishment of an autonomous Kurdish region, Rojava, in Syria) have all contributed to this outcome. The resulting narrative is not only a record of religion, ethnicity, and nationalism in Turkey’s Kurdish conflict, but also an investigation of how ethnic and religious identities are negotiated in conflict resolution and how symbolic boundaries are drawn in ethnic conflict zones.

scholarly journals Religious Identity and National Conflict in the 20th Century Indonesia

2017 ◽  
Vol 2 (3) ◽  
pp. 303
Author(s):  
Andreas Jonathan
Keyword(s):  
National Identity ◽  
Religious Identity ◽  
Critical Analysis ◽  
National Identities ◽  
Islamic State ◽  
Religious Identities ◽  
The Past ◽  
Religious Nation ◽  
Role Of Religion

This study attempts to discuss on how religious identities contribute to or was in conflict with the emerging national identities, with focusing issue on the struggle of Islam in its relation to Indonesian identity as a multi-religious nation and Pancasila state. Based on the critical analysis from the various literature, the result of the study showed that Islam did both contribute and was in conflict with the Indonesian national identity. The Islamist fights for the Islamic state, the nationalist defends Pancasila state. As long as Islam is the majority in Indonesia and as long as there is diversity in Islam, especially in the interpretation of Islam and the state, Indonesian national identity will always be in conflict between Pancasila state and Islamic state. Even though, the role of religion in society and nation change is very significant. The Islamist is always there, although it is not always permanent in certain organizations. In the past, NU and Muhammadiyah were considered as Islamist, but today they are nationalist. At the same time, new Islamist organizations and parties emerge to continue their Islamist spirit. Keywords: Islam, Religious identity, Pancasila, 

ANN MOSELY LESCH, The Sudan: Contested National Identities (Bloomington: Indiana University Press; and Oxford: James Currey, 1998). Pp. 299. $39.95 cloth, $19.95 paper.

2001 ◽  
Vol 33 (1) ◽  
pp. 127-129
Author(s):  
SONDRA HALE
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
Social Science ◽  
National Identities ◽  
Class Analysis ◽  
Indiana University ◽  
Religious Identities ◽  
Half Century ◽  
Binary Model ◽  
North And South

With nearly a half-century of intermittent civil war in the background, it is becoming impossible to write a social-science monograph about Sudan without referring to contested national, ethnic, and religious identities. Few such works are gendered, however, and perhaps even fewer attempt a class analysis. Sudanese scholars contend more successfully with class; Euroamericans with gender. Despite good intentions, Sudan is usually explored through the binary model of “north” and “south.” Ann Lesch is no exception, but her ability to complicate matters is a welcome addition to the “integration–segregation” or “unionist–separatist” literature on Sudan.

Civil War and Religion: Turkey

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gülay Türkmen
Keyword(s):  
Conflict Resolution ◽  
Civil Wars ◽  
Armed Forces ◽  
Armed Conflicts ◽  
Interstate Conflicts ◽  
Kurdistan Workers Party ◽  
Kurdish Conflict ◽  
Role Of Religion ◽  
The Impact

Out of the 111 armed conflicts that took place worldwide between 1989 and 2000, only seven were interstate conflicts. The others were intrastate in nature. As a result, the last decade and a half witnessed a boom in the publication of works on civil wars. While the percentage of civil wars involving religion increased from 21% to 43% between the 1960s and 1990s, scholars have been rather slow to integrate the study of religion into the overall framework of conflict in general, and of civil wars in particular. Operating under the impact of the secularization thesis and treating religion as an aspect of ethnicity, the literature on civil wars has long embraced ethnonationalism as its subject matter. Yet, since the early 2000s there has been a rapid increase in the number of works focusing on religion and civil wars. While one branch treats religion as a trigger for and an exacerbating factor in conflict, another focuses on religion as a conflict resolution tool. Turkey is an apt case to ponder the latter as several governments have deployed religion (namely, Sunni Islam) as a tool to suppress ethnic divisions for years. During the Justice and Development Party (AKP) rule, religion has gained even more visibility as a conflict resolution tool in the 33-year-long armed ethnic conflict between the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK) and the Turkish Armed Forces (TSK). Yet, the role of religion in Turkey’s Kurdish conflict still remains understudied. Increased attention to this topic could deliver important insights not only for those who conduct research on the Kurdish conflict in Turkey specifically, but also for those who explore the role of religion in civil wars more generally.

Religious Nationalism and Religious Influence

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anna Grzymala-Busse
Keyword(s):  
Nation Building ◽  
State Violence ◽  
National Identities ◽  
Religious Organizations ◽  
Religious Nationalism ◽  
Religious Identities ◽  
Religious Influence ◽  
Wide Range ◽  
Popular Religiosity

Religious nationalism, or the fusion of religious and national identities and goals, is an increasingly salient aspect of nationalism. Rather than secular nationalism simply replacing religious identities and allegiances, religious and national identities coexist and even reinforce each other. Such religious nationalism becomes a powerful force in buttressing popular religiosity and attitudes, empowers religious organizations in influencing policy across a wide range of domains, and shapes the patterns of inter- and intra-state violence. The two implications of these findings are that we should invest in better measures and operationalization of religious nationalism and reconsider the logics of state- and nation-building.

Ethnic Conflicts and Peacebuilding in Georgia

2022 ◽  
pp. 91-106
Author(s):  
Sophio Midelashvili ◽  
Jemal Gakhokidze
Keyword(s):  
Conflict Resolution ◽  
International Law ◽  
International Community ◽  
Ethnic Cleansing ◽  
Ethnic Conflicts ◽  
National Interests ◽  
Territorial Integrity ◽  
South Ossetia ◽  
Independent States

The chapter deals with the problem of territorial integrity of Georgia, particularly two adjusted regions, Abkhazia and South Ossetia. Today, 20% of Georgian territory is occupied. After the Russian-Georgian War in 2008, things changed radically to the detriment of Georgia's national interests, in particular, the occupation of Abkhazia and South Ossetia by Russia, their recognition as independent states, and ethnic cleansing of Georgians by disregarding the fundamental principles of international law. All these are known to the international community, and it became visible to the whole world. The issues are in the field of permanent national interests of Georgia. Under such situation, it became necessary to search for new ways of conflict resolution based only upon real politics.

scholarly journals A micro-level analysis of the contagion effect: Evidence from the Kurdish conflict

2020 ◽  
pp. 002234332095738
Author(s):  
Zeki Sarigil
Keyword(s):  
Original Data ◽  
Conflict Zones ◽  
Individual Level ◽  
Cross Border ◽  
Collective Actors ◽  
Familial Bonds ◽  
Micro Level ◽  
The Individual ◽  
Close Relatives ◽  
Kurdish Conflict

The unit of analysis in almost all large-N studies on conflict contagion and diffusion is collective actors, such as states and ethnic groups or movements. Thus, contagion dynamics and processes at the individual level have been neglected. Using original data derived from a public opinion survey, this study examines the micro-level dynamics of contagion in the context of Turkey’s Kurdish conflict. The study suggests that transnational ethnic ties, and in particular, cross-border familial bonds and interactions, facilitate conflict contagion through several strategic and ideational mechanisms. First, transborder familial ties and interactions amplify the demonstration effect of ethnic-kin achievements in contiguous conflict countries. Second, cross-border familial bonds facilitate collaboration between cross-border co-ethnics. Finally, such ties to conflict zones with ethnic kin groups empower pan-ethnic identities. The empirical findings show that Kurds living in Turkey who have close relatives in nearby countries hosting conflicting ethnic-kin groups (i.e. Syria, Iraq, and Iran) have stronger ethnonationalist orientations and claims against the center. However, having close relatives elsewhere (e.g. Europe) does not generate the same impact. The Kurdish case evidences that contagion processes and dynamics might vary substantially across the members of a particular ethnic group. Hence, it is necessary to broaden the conventional focus on collective actors in conflict contagion research and pay greater attention to micro-level variables and factors.

scholarly journals Solving the Moro problem: legalizing the Bangsamoro peace process

2016 ◽  
Vol 8 (3) ◽  
pp. 212-223 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gene Carolan
Keyword(s):  
Conflict Resolution ◽  
Peace Process ◽  
Structural Features ◽  
The Philippines ◽  
Peace Agreement ◽  
Conflict Zones ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Long Run ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Stability

Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to highlight the structural features that are proving central to the stability of the 2014 Comprehensive Agreement on the Bangsamoro between the Government of the Philippines and the Moro Islamic Liberation Front, and those features that were detrimental to its predecessors. Design/methodology/approach – This paper adopts a legalization framework derived from the model presented by Abbott et al. The simplicity of Abbott et al.’s theory allows for variation in the agreements’ text to be easily measured and compared. The inherent advantages of this model offset the difficulties in characterizing peace agreements under traditional legal methodologies, and reiterate the importance of legalized agreements in a conflict resolution context. Findings – This paper finds that a more highly legalized approach to peace-making has resulted in greater agreement stability in the Philippines. More precise in detail and inclusive in scope, the legal nature of the 2014 Comprehensive Agreement has made it more responsive to the root causes of the conflict, and resilient to incidents that threatened to derail the peace process. Practical implications – This case study bears valuable lessons for conflict zones the world over, particularly the troubled negotiations on Syria, and the crisis in Ukraine. The study: lends tentative support to Gopalan’s claim that agreements that exemplify hard legalization are much more sustainable in the long run; stresses the advantages of inclusivity in agreement sustainability and stability; reiterates the importance of addressing the key issues relevant to the conflict if the process is to be sustainable, and; notes the limitations of the legalization framework, but presents the Philippine example as a blueprint for addressing various aspects of the Syrian and Ukrainian conflicts. Originality/value – This is the first peer-reviewed analysis to explore the 2014 Comprehensive Agreement as a highly legalized conflict resolution instrument, and an adaptable template for peace agreement design generally.

scholarly journals MAJOR THEORETICAL APPROACHES TO CONSTRUCTIVE CONFLICT RESOLUTION IN THE NORTH CAUCASUS

Politologija ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 87 (3) ◽  
pp. 88 ◽  
Author(s):  
Maxim Popov
Keyword(s):  
Conflict Resolution ◽  
Large Scale ◽  
Structural Factors ◽  
Ethnic Conflicts ◽  
North Caucasus ◽  
The North ◽  
Theoretical Approaches ◽  
Identity Based ◽  
Conflict Resolution Strategy ◽  
Resolution Strategy

This article explores the major approaches to the study of conflict resolution strategy from a variety of interdisciplinary perspectives. It argues that conflict resolution strategy, as a civil integration resource, is a necessary tool for overcoming deep-rooted ethnic conflicts in the unstable North Caucasus. This research pursues the goal of analyzing how the strength of civil integration can affect conflict resolution and peacebuilding. The author considers the essential factors of protracted ethnic conflicts and emphasizes the destabilizing role of the repoliticization of ethnicity in a crisis society. The concept of ethnic, “identity-based” conflicts is the heuristic theoretical model of exploring causes for increased ethnoreligious tensions in the North Caucasus. This article focuses on the ability of conflict resolution strategy to de-escalate growing tensions and transform protracted identity-based conflicts. The need to stimulate civil integration is caused by moral and structural causes: from the ethical point of view, the creation of an inclusive society is the fundamental societal goal; structural factors are related to the need to reduce inequalities and differences leading to social fragmentation and an escalation of ethnic conflicts. Among the structural conditions of regional conflicts, the author names ethnosocial inequalities, a civil identity crisis, ethnopolitical neo-authoritarianism, large-scale socioeconomic polarization and an “ideological combat” between secular modernization and religious fundamentalism. While discussing conflict resolution strategies, it is necessary to consider the following: 1) Peace and integration within the North Caucasus is a macropolitical project, the content of which is determined by issues of social cohesion and civil solidarity; 2) The development of the North Caucasus after the end of armed ethnic conflicts shows the inadmissibility of political demodernization, fundamentalism and isolationism. Today, the North Caucasus remains a crucially geopolitical macroregion, as it forms the southern volatile frontier of Russia. In this case, conflict resolution strategy must serve as an integrational and preventive tool on the conflict environment by way of providing structural solutions for deep-rooted cultural antagonisms, transforming and rationalizing ethnoregional contradictions.

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