‘A Giant Afraid of its Shadow’

2020 ◽  
pp. 67-90
Author(s):  
Yahia H. Zoubir

This chapter examines Algeria’s foreign policy from the perspective of the concept of “middlepowermanship.” As a middle power, Algeria has adopted many roles to protect its national interests and the preservation of its regime. The main argument in this chapter is that Algeria was destined to be a middle power, but for reasons that will be elucidated, policymakers have refrained from advancing the state as a middle power with the potential of being a regional hegemon in the Maghreb-Sahel region. Thus, the objective is to highlight the lingering difficulty in adequately classifying Algeria’s foreign policy and to understand why such a major country is unwilling to play a regional and international role concomitant with its military and economic capacities.

2009 ◽  
pp. 37-46
Author(s):  
Giuliana Laschi

- The EEC doesn't have a proper foreign policy, so the international dimension of the Community has grown on a sui generis foreign policy, in which doesn't always coexist community and national interests. Given the intergovernmental nature of the external issues of the EEC, on international policy of the Community has been relevant the member states and their individual action in foreign policy. The international role of the EEC was not produced by overall political choices, but rather from external action of internal policies. Action that often produces and has produced incoherent results between the European policies of agriculture, trade and development cooperation, which are often in conflict with each other and thus threaten to undermine their potential positive effects. The policies analysed in historical perspective are able to outline not only the inside action of the Community as expression of the composition of national positions, but also the international aims of the EEC, even in the absence of a proper foreign policy.Parole chiave: Politiche della CEE, Studi storici sulla CEE, Politica agricola comune, Politica estera della CEE, Cooperazione allo sviluppo della CEE, Politiche incoerenti EEC Policies, EEC Historical Perspective, Common Agricultural Policy, EEC Foreign Policy, EEC Development Policy, EEC Incoherent Policies


2020 ◽  
Vol 38 (2) ◽  
pp. 71-76
Author(s):  
P. Terrence Hopmann

This article analyzes President Donald Trump’s diversion of US foreign policy towards Russia and Ukraine from its traditional path, often to serve his personal and political interests rather than US national interests. His personal ties with Russia’s President Putin and his suspicions about Ukraine’s leaders have undermined his support for Ukraine in resisting Russian actions in Crimea and the Donbas. Although Trump’s policies have been constrained by Congress and Government foreign policy professionals, his acquittal by the Senate in his impeachment trial and his dismissal or marginalization of experts, especially in the State Department, are increasingly freeing him from these constraints.


2019 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 158-201
Author(s):  
Mila Fitri Yeni

This research aims to analyze Germany’s Motivation to accept Syrian refugee in 2015 at German policy of Open Door Policy. A foreign policy that was chosen by the state is rational choice by calculating the benefit earned and cost paid through the policy based on national interests. This research was analysed using the concept Rational Model of Decision Making by Karen A.Mingst this concept sees the formulation of a state’s foreign policy based on the considerations of the costs and benefits a state gets on the issue at hand, in which the state will choose a policy with greater profits than its sacrifices. The researcher concluded that Germany’s open door policy toward Syrian refugees was a rational choice because it has that advantage in the form of adding labor that has an effect on the economic aspect for Germany


POLITEA ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 45
Author(s):  
Gustri Eni Putri

<p><strong> </strong></p><p class="06IsiAbstrak"><span lang="EN-GB">This study aims to explain how the implications of the peace agreement as Israel's strategy in reducing the Hamas intifadah action. The discussion in this study is limited to the peace agreement between Israel and the PLO known as the 1993 Declaration of Principles and the intifadah movement in 1987. This research is a qualitative study with a literature study through books, journals, and articles. This study is based on thinking which explains that as a rational actor, the state in taking foreign policy always calculates the cost and benefit. In its foreign policy, the ruling government uses the "optimization of results" criteria. Or in other words, Israel's foreign policy focuses on emphasizing the country's national interests. This rationale influenced Israel's foreign policy, which was to accept a peace agreement with the PLO to reduce the intifadah movement carried out by Hamas. And this policy provides optimal results for the state of Israel.</span></p>


2021 ◽  
Vol 106 (6) ◽  
pp. 30-41
Author(s):  
Kira Godovanyuk ◽  

The article outlines the special features of the UK foreign policy described as an outcome of the request for a new international role after the withdrawal from the EU. Proceeding from the theory of rational choice, the author concludes that the UK uses relations with Washington to adapt the idea of “Global Britain” to the changes in the international environment, taking into account the reduction of its own weight in international politics. It is highlighted that the synchronization of the UK and the US international agendas is taking place against the backdrop of deteriorated UK-EU relations. Atlanticism, along with disengagement from the EU, became the ideological basis of a new British foreign policy aimed at ensuring Western unity, while increasing its fragmentation. The significance of the new Atlantic Charter and the military-political alliance AUKUS for the foreign strategy of the UK is assessed. Despite the global nature of the articulated goals, the United Kingdom operates in the logic of a middle power in the face of intense international competition. It is concluded that the special emphasis on “hard” power and the strengthening of military-political alliances based on liberal values does not solve the strategic dilemmas of Britain, which will still have to balance between the major international actors.


1975 ◽  
Vol 27 (4) ◽  
pp. 521-540 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bruce Andrews

New interest in the domestic sources of foreign policy intersects the notion that arguments about a state's international role are, at one level, arguments about domestic meaning, prohibitions, and responsibility. Even claimed strategic imperatives are neither self-explanatory nor comprehensible only in view of the stringencies of the international arena. Instead, they project a domestic content, referring to (and often transparent in the light of) particular domestic ends, needs, images, or interests. A rule-guided conception of die relation between domestic society and foreign policy is developed, in an analogy widi language and forms of discourse, in which discernible social rules will constrain or constitute a state policy—delimiting conduct, or defining its domestic referents, usage, and social conformity or deviance. Looking beneath the rather disembodied plane of ends and means, explanation begins to resemble an excavation; the state is seen not through the lenses of national security and rational behavior, but in the model and role of a domestic social actor.


Author(s):  
Daria Menshakova ◽  

The article reveals the significance of the usage of France’s nuclear status as a tool for the realisation of its foreign policy interests in the International Arena, especially in the context of necessity to ensure its security. A well-formulated and scientifically grounded, clear and reasonably transparent strategy for Foreign Policy ensures state security and is an inalienable attribute of a civilised, contemporary International Actor. One of the most critical aspects of France’s Defence strategy is based on its nuclear status. Therefore, it is essential to understand its role and function in the formulation of the foreign policy strategy. In particular, the concept of «nuclear diplomacy» is explored on the example of the French Republic. This concept describes the possibility of using nuclear status in various fields of foreign policy to achieve the interests of the state in the world arena. The survey describes political, economic and security aspects of the disposition of nuclear diplomacy in foreign policy. Also, the historical experience of exercising the nuclear status as a tool has been analysed. Relying on the analysis made it has been found that the practice of using nuclear status as a tool for conducting international dialogue has its several advantages, the main of which is the efficient protection of the national interests of the state. The author emphasises the fact that the wise usage of all nuclear status benefits, in the present conditions of growing instability and turbulence in international relations is a vital requirement for the development of France, especially as for nuclear-weapon state and a significant actor in the international arena. It has been argued that the nuclear status is inextricably associated not only with the formation of a state security strategy but also with the development of the image and geopolitical component of security, aimed at providing the necessary conditions for the realisation of French national interests in the International Arena, as one of the most effective methods of guaranteeing security and independence in the modern world. The modern world is the world of pervasive transformations and breakthroughs connected with the degeneration of traditional and modern structures. Although today the world is interconnected and united more than ever before, it is necessary to respect and estimate the idea of boundaries, sovereignty, and independence of a state, the right of a state to lead its policy. So, the best guarantee of directing separate political line it is wise using of one of the most effective and impressive tools, in a Foreign Policy too, that is nuclear status.


2021 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 143-162
Author(s):  
Yaroslav Popenko ◽  
Ihor Sribnyak

The main tendencies of the development of the Kingdom of Romania during the First World War were analysed in this article. The stages of the diplomatic negotiations of the Romanian government with the countries of the Central Bloc and the Entente during 1914–1918 years are considered. Bucharest managed to take advantage of its own diplomatic balancing during the war, which was squeezed between the two military-political blocs. Thanks to its foreign policy strategy, the Romanian government had retained its sovereign right to the development and the acceptance of the most important decisions, and those which were touched of the upholding of the national interests of the state. Moreover, Romania managed to significantly expand its borders, which was possible due to the crisis and the destruction that was passed through Austria-Hungary and the Russian Empire during 1917-1918 years. In the context of the foreign policy strategy of the kingdom during the World War, the «Bessarabian question» is partially covered and which role it played in the realization of the project of the creation of «Great Romania» by Bucharest. In addition, the certain reasons of the signing, the content and the consequences of the Bucharest peace treaty of 1918 year for the alignment of the forces in the Central European region at the final stage of the war were characterized. Ultimately, the authors state that the diplomatic balancing of the Romanian political leadership during the World War gave it the opportunity to gradually but steadily realize the project of the expansion of the state borders at the expense of the contiguous territories.


2020 ◽  
Vol 36 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Garth Le Pere

This article represents a synthetic overview of the key themes which have animated scholarly research in South Africa's foreign policy over the last two decades. These themes will be addressed and are situated against the broad contextual background of important philosophical challenges, transitional developments, and managerial dilemmas during the formative presidential periods of Mandela and Mbeki. This context provides the analytical parameters for the focus on six themes which arguably shape debates and thinking about the conduct of South Africa's foreign policy, namely: the institutional dynamics at the level of the state; the multilateral and global agenda; trade and economic diplomacy; the peace, security, and mediation dimension; the donor and development assistance role; and the scourge of xenophobia. These themes will continue to exercise a profound influence on the collective endeavour of South Africa's foreign policy community to sustain its standing as a middle-power with soft power assets that is able to shape African and global agendas. Arising from these thematic considerations, some concluding thoughts highlight on-going normative, substantive, and policy challenges for the Zuma administration.


Author(s):  
Natalya Yuryevna Gusevskaya

The purpose of the present study is to determine the priorities and imperatives of state policy, both do-mestic and foreign, from the standpoints of various methodological approaches. Traditionally research-ers used only conservative and liberal approaches, rightly pointing out that the main determinants of the external and internal course of the state are ma-terial aspects, such as territory, social and political resources, military and technological power, eco-nomic potential. The scientific novelty of the study is as follows: the author suggest that the state poli-cy should be analyzed from the standpoint of con-structivism, which provides a more complete expla-nation of the role of foreign policy in the system of efforts made by the state. Based on examining the phenomena of identity and collective historical memory, constructivism proves that the state policy is determined by the place which the issues of do-mestic and foreign policy have in the structure of public opinion, as well as by the elite's ideas about national interests, by traditions of messianism or isolationism. Self-identification of the state, prem-ised on the opposition “we” vs. “they”, builds a system of coordinates that serves a criterion for evaluating the current state policy and the level of realization of needs. Depending on how much reality corresponds to the fixed social images, the level of satisfaction with the current state of foreign or do-mestic policy changes. A high rate of inconsistency encourages a transition to a more active foreign policy, transforming it towards expansion. As a re-sult of the study, it was revealed that the priority of an internal or external vector of the state policy is determined not only by military-economic and other material factors, but also by mental constructs that define nation self-consciousness and the place it fairly takes in the structure of international relations.


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