scholarly journals International negotiations as a social and humanitarian resource in world politics

2020 ◽  
pp. 98-113
Author(s):  
Marina Lebedeva

The article considers international negotiations as a resource of influence and creation in world politics, which is part of the social and humanitarian resource. The article analyzes the negotiation practice and research of international negotiations, starting from the second half of the twentieth century, i.e. from the moment when international negotiations receive intensive development. It is shown that at this time a huge practical and research experience was accumulated on the technology of negotiations, the role and place of negotiations in the world, which made up a social and humanitarian resource for world politics. At the end of the twentieth – beginning of the twentieth centuries there is a decline in negotiation activity and, accordingly, decline research on international negotiations, which was caused by: 1) a change in the nature of conflicts that have largely ceased to be interstate in nature and which began to arise on ethnic and religious grounds with many decentralized participants; 2) a significant reduction in the role of Russian-American relations in the world after the collapse of the USSR. Namely, the Russian-American negotiations, primarily in the field of disarmament, were the most important in international relations of the second half of the twentieth century. As a result, in the 21 st century, the number of international negotiations not only decreased, but treaties reached in the past began to be denounced, primarily by the United States. It is shown that this situation is caused by deep processes of transformation of the political organization of the world, covering its various levels, both national and supranational. As a result, a situation of uncertainty and unpredictability is created, which does not contribute to the search for negotiated solutions. However, the political organization of the world can only be transformed through negotiations. Given the scale of this transformation and the huge number of actors in the modern world, international negotiations will become of great importance, serving as a resource for building a new political organization of the world.

Author(s):  
Marina Lebedeva ◽  

Introduction. The article examines the scenarios of the political development of the world depending on the megatrends such as globalization, integration, democratization and the opposite trends – de-globalization, disintegration and de-democratization, as well as the current state of the political organization of the world, including the Westphalian system, the system of interstate relations (system of international relations) and political systems of the modern world states. Methods and materials. The political organization of the world is considered as a system consisting of three subsystems. In this regard, the main approach in the study is the systems approach. Scenario analysis is used as a research method. Analysis. Recently interest in scenarios of the political development of the world has sharply increased, which is reflected in the publications of many Russian and foreign authors. The scenarios of the political development of the world in the 21st century, after the crises associated with the terrorist attacks in 2001, the economic crisis that began in 2008 and the crisis in 2020 caused by the COVID-19 pandemic, began to be discussed especially intensively. Most researchers consider such scenarios based on ideas about the possible configuration of interstate relations, i.e. parts of the system of international (interstate) relations. It is shown that this parameter of analysis is important, but insufficient. It is proposed to consider the scenarios of the political development of the world on the basis of how megatrends and trends alternative to them will act, as well as how the political organization of the world will develop. Results. Four parameters of scenario analysis are identified: 1) time parameter in actions of (mega) trends; 2) differentiated actions (mega) trends in many indicators of economic and social interaction; 3) configuration of the leading states in the international arena (part of the system of international relations). This parameter is widely used by various researchers; 4) an evolutionary (smooth) or revolutionary (through conflicts, crises, etc.) way of transforming the political organization of the world. The combination of development in these parameters (it is possible to single out additional parameters) gives a picture of world politics in the future.


2021 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 7-21
Author(s):  
M. M. Lebedeva ◽  
D. A. Kuznetsov

The SARS-CoV-2 virus, which caused a pandemic in 2020, has posed not only a medical, economic and social threat, but also a challenge to international security and international cooperation. It is now becoming obvious that the problem of the current pandemic cannot be reduced to individual states and regions and has the potential to influence the entire political organization of the modern world. Analyzing the role of the COVID-19 pandemic in world politics, the authors rely on the concept of transformations in the system of the world political organization, as well as the concept of global governance and megatrends of world politics, the key of which is globalization. The authors of the article consider the experience of individual global and regional associations, which are considered to be the elements of global governance, whose functions, among the other, include responding to challenges of a biogenic nature, identifying several important trends, among which are the intensification of previously emerging trends, the strengthening of isolationism, the growing political fragmentation of the world, destructive influence of “coronacrisis” on globalization, but with parallel sectoral polarization in global economy, a new balancing between cooperation and competition in international relations. At the same time, it is argued that there is no alternative to international cooperation in solving problems of a global nature, which can hardly indicate the end of globalization and the triumph of disintegration and de-democratization. The authors argue about the heightened need to reform global governance, since the efforts of individual international associations cannot lead to solving global challenges, and the national-centrist approach to solving global problems proves its inefficiency and irresponsibility. As a result, we are talking about the lack of alternative to the idea of forming a system of global governance, which should be based on cooperation and interaction of states, international organizations and institutions, as well as business structures and academic communities, in other words, rely on multilateral and multilevel approach. The authors are convinced of the need to develop a project of an “ideal future” taking into account the identified trends in the transformation of the political organization of the world and the effects of megatrends, which implies the further development of scientific research and discussions, as well as a series of international negotiating forums on the future structure of the world and the corresponding pattern of global governance.


2018 ◽  
Vol 66 (2) ◽  
pp. 263-288 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stephen Seligman

Illusion can be viewed as a creative engagement with the world, and as a central psychic motivation and capacity, rather than as a form of self-deception. Winnicott and other Middle Group writers have understood integrative, imaginative illusion as an essential part of healthy living and psychosocial development. As such, it emerges and presents itself in a variety of ways, in transaction with the realities that support or degrade it. In its absence, varied difficulties in living ensue. To elaborate and illustrate this conceptualization, Freud’s notion that the oedipus complex is resolved is reconsidered as a creative misreading of Sophocles’ Oedipus trilogy, one based on the plausible illusion of a civilizing psychosocial development that would serve as a protective bastion against his experience of the political chaos and violence of the first decades of twentieth-century European history. Finally, the place of illusion and disillusionment among those most disillusioned by the recent election of Donald Trump in the United States is considered in relation to the recent right-wing populist turn.


Author(s):  
Marina M. Lebedeva ◽  
Maxim V. Kharkevich

Having moved to the global level, capitalist political economy today is turning into a dominant way of governance in world politics, undermining the state-centrist model that has been developing since the time of the Westphalian peace treaties. As a result, we are witnessing a Schumpeterian phenomenon of “creative destruction” i.e., destruction of old accompanied by creation of new. The current world politics is dominated by the logic of destruction, and this destruction is not limited to changing interstate relations, as it is represented in most studies, but involves at the same time at least three levels of political organization of the world, forming a synergy effect: the level of the Westphalian world order; the level of interstate relations; the level of the national state. The Westphalian ststem is being blurred largely by transnational business activity. Entrepreneursinnovators form capitalism of co-participation. This capitalism rests not on interest, but on values and social ties that unite people in networks. Examples of such capitalism are various forms of sharing, peer-topeer networks, wiki-platforms, block-chain technology. Capitalism of sharing unites in- formational networks and human potential, the main resource of such capitalism is precisely human capital, human trust and social relations. The sharing is being transmitted to the international political sphere, supplementing the principle of the Westphalian sovereignty with the potential of eventually replacing it. At the same time, practices are being introduced into the political organization of the world from other projects of the political organization of the world, in particular Islamic (Islamic banks, hawala money transfer system, etc.). 


2019 ◽  
pp. 122-154
Author(s):  
Tobias Boes

This chapter illustrates how Thomas Mann created a novel role for the artist: fully engaged with the political events of the day through a variety of twentieth-century media and yet fiercely protective of an independent stance. The 1930s was a decade in which governments of various stripes throughout the world discovered the value of employing artists to drum up support within a populist base. And Mann was a patriotic resident of the United States who throughout the war years carefully refrained from criticizing his adoptive country. But his voice and his aims were always unmistakably his own, and he agitated for the United States because he equated the American cause with that of liberal democracy, not because of any government commission. The chapter further explains that Mann's relocation to California can serve as a symbolic marker of this transition. Indeed, it was during his residency in Pacific Palisades as well that he reached the apogee of his trajectory as an anti-Nazi celebrity in the eyes of the American public.


Author(s):  
Tony Smith

This book offers a historical account of American efforts “to make the world safe for democracy” and the results of these attempts in the context of their own ambitions. It also examines how American foreign policy has contributed to the increase in the number, strength, and prestige of liberal democratic governments worldwide at the end of the twentieth century. The book focuses on American liberal democratic internationalism and the United States's democratizing mission on a selected group of countries such as Japan, Germany, Iran, and the Philippines, along with the impact of this agenda on world politics as a whole. To better understand the American operational code with respect to liberal democratic internationalism, this chapter analyzes the nature of American liberal democracy and cites a historical example that reflects the character of American liberal democratic internationalism in the twentieth century: the Reconstruction after the Civil War.


2019 ◽  
Vol 58 (2) ◽  
pp. 249-259
Author(s):  
Joseph Acquisto

This essay examines a polemic between two Baudelaire critics of the 1930s, Jean Cassou and Benjamin Fondane, which centered on the relationship of poetry to progressive politics and metaphysics. I argue that a return to Baudelaire's poetry can yield insight into what seems like an impasse in Cassou and Fondane. Baudelaire provides the possibility of realigning metaphysics and politics so that poetry has the potential to become the space in which we can begin to think the two of them together, as opposed to seeing them in unresolvable tension. Or rather, the tension that Baudelaire animates between the two allows us a new way of thinking about the role of esthetics in moments of political crisis. We can in some ways see Baudelaire as responding, avant la lettre, to two of his early twentieth-century readers who correctly perceived his work as the space that breathes a new urgency into the questions of how modern poetry relates to the world from which it springs and in which it intervenes.


Author(s):  
Vasyl Karpo ◽  
Nataliia Nechaieva-Yuriichuk

From ancient times till nowadays information plays a key role in the political processes. The beginning of XXI century demonstrated the transformation of global security from military to information, social etc. aspects. The widening of pandemic demonstrated the weaknesses of contemporary authoritarian states and the power of human-oriented states. During the World War I the theoretical and practical interest toward political manipulation and political propaganda grew definitely. After 1918 the situation developed very fast and political propaganda became the part of political influence. XX century entered into the political history as the millennium of propaganda. The collapse of the USSR and socialist system brought power to new political actors. The global architecture of the world has changed. Former Soviet republic got independence and tried to separate from Russia. And Ukraine was between them. The Revolution of Dignity in Ukraine was the start point for a number of processes in world politics. But the most important was the fact that the role and the place of information as the challenge to world security was reevaluated. The further annexation of Crimea, the attempt to legitimize it by the comparing with the referendums in Scotland and Catalonia demonstrated the willingness of Russian Federation to keep its domination in the world. The main difference between the referendums in Scotland and in Catalonia was the way of Russian interference. In 2014 (Scotland) tried to delegitimised the results of Scottish referendum because they were unacceptable for it. But in 2017 we witness the huge interference of Russian powers in Spain internal affairs, first of all in spreading the independence moods in Catalonia. The main conclusion is that the world has to learn some lessons from Scottish and Catalonia cases and to be ready to new challenges in world politics in a format of information threats.


1966 ◽  
Vol 60 (4) ◽  
pp. 943-951 ◽  
Author(s):  
Matthew Holden

If an important part of the political scientist's mission is to anticipate and explain “the critical problems that generate turbulence” in that part of the world which attracts his attention, then, in the study of administration, bureaucratic “imperialism” must be of compelling interest. If systematic data directly assembled for the purpose are lacking, and if there are some signal problems of theory which have been little investigated, there is still enough evidence from studies of other political problems that it seems worthwhile to set out some trial-run ideas in the hope that they will elicit further discussion.Bureaucractic imperialism seems pre-eminently a matter of inter-agency conflict in which two or more agencies try to assert permanent control over the same jurisdiction, or in which one agency actually seeks to take over another agency as well as the jurisdiction of that agency. We are thus primarily concerned with the politics of allocation and shall, except incidentally, bypass some other interesting aspects of inter-agency politics such as cooperation between agencies sharing missions, competition for favorable “one-time-only” decisions which do not involve jurisdictional reallocation, or the critical problems of the “holding company” administrative organization and its internal politics. For the moment, our concern with the politics of allocation leads to a focus on what would appear to be the likely behaviors of those decisionmakers who have both inclination and opportunity to look after the institutional well-being of agencies.


2009 ◽  
Vol 42 (2) ◽  
pp. 321-343
Author(s):  
Francis Dupuis-Déri

Résumé.L'étude des discours des «pères fondateurs» du Canada moderne révèle qu'ils étaient ouvertement antidémocrates. Comment expliquer qu'un régime fondé dans un esprit antidémocratique en soit venu à être identifié positivement à la démocratie? S'inspirant d'études similaires sur les États-Unis et la France, l'analyse de l'histoire du mot «démocratie» révèle que le Canada a été associé à la «démocratie» en raison de stratégies discursives des membres de l'élite politique qui cherchaient à accroître leur capacité de mobiliser les masses à l'occasion des guerres mondiales, et non pas à la suite de modifications constitutionnelles ou institutionnelles qui auraient justifié un changement d'appellation du régime.Abstract.An examination of the speeches of modern Canada's “founding fathers” lays bare their openly anti-democratic outlook. How did a regime founded on anti-democratic ideas come to be positively identified with democracy? Drawing on the examples of similar studies carried out in the United States and France, this analysis of the history of the term “democracy” in Canada shows that the country's association with “democracy” was not due to constitutional or institutional changes that might have justified re-labelling the regime. Instead, it was the result of the political elite's discursive strategies, whose purpose was to strengthen the elite's ability to mobilize the masses during the world wars.


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