Slovakia

Author(s):  
Soňa Szomolányi ◽  
Alexander Karvai

In Slovakia, the main lines of conflict that determine coalition formation have changed over time. Iinitially the conflicts were based on national-ethnic issues, later this was followed by disagreement over the direction of reforms and the European integration process. Eventually they have settled around socioeconomic policies with alternating right and left governments in power. Only three coalition cabinets have served the full parliamentary terms, and all of them have both enjoyed a majority support in Parliament and included a dominant large party. In contrast, coalitions without a major leading party, and where the power structure has been more evenly distributed, have been more likely to terminate due to inter-party conflicts before the end of the full constitutionally mandated term. The coalitions of the second type coalitions have also been pursuing more of consensual style of politics. They have been based on social-economic policy agreement between the parties but differed considerably in terms of the GAL-TAN dimension. While socioeconomic policies appear is a strong driving force in coalition bargaining, the second (GAL-TAN) dimension tends to matters more when it comes to the survival of the coalition. In terms of coalition governance, six out twelve cabinets represented the Prime Minister Dominated model. The cabinets with a leading party (HZDS, SDKÚ-DS, and SMER-DS) did not have as many internal conflicts as the cabinets with a relatively even power distribution. The latter type of cabinets relied instead on their ability to negotiate and compromise in the name of consensus and so they represent a Coalition Compromise Model.

Author(s):  
Armağan Gözkaman

Since the inception of the European integration process, the Franco-German axis is considered to be a major driving force. Even today, Europe moves faster in the presence of an entente between France and Germany. However, the harmonization of German and French positions is not quasi-automatic as it used to be. The desynchronization that occurred over time is based on various factors such as the German unification, the EU's enlargements, and the change in German self-perception. One of the contexts in which the divergences between Paris and Berlin can be seen is related to the Euro zone rescue operations. Germany came to the fore in the resolution process and made clear her preferences, which are not always truly supported by France. The drifting-apart that started after the end of the Cold War thus continues.


1992 ◽  
Vol 25 (4-5) ◽  
pp. 67-73
Author(s):  
H. Fleckseder ◽  
L. Prendl ◽  
H. Meulenbroek

The primary driving force for re-investments in wastewater treatment plants in Austria - and also other countries in Central Europe - is at present not an increase in load to treatment but a marked increase in effluent requirements to be fulfilled. (The re-investments necessary for sludge handling and treatment remain outside this paper.) Within a period of 20 years, the load specific requirements on aeration tank volume rose five- to tenfold, when Lv = 2.0 kg BOD5/(m3d) was the starting value, and roughly doubled for final clarifiers. In addition, the importance of the application and expansion of primary sedimentation decreased as well. This development over time in Central European countries as well as the need to utilize previous investments as long as possible - 35 to 60 years for civil works are common as periods of depreciation - indicate that investments in new plant at any location in the world have to consider the possible whole life cycle of a plant and that plant hydraulics becomes the “key hook” for expandability.


2015 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 261-275
Author(s):  
Andrew W. Bausch

This paper uses a laboratory experiment to examine how different rules for re-selecting the leader of a group affects how that leader builds a winning coalition. Leaders play an inter-group game and then distribute winnings from that game within their group before standing for re-selection. The results of the experiment show that leaders of groups with large winning coalition systems rely heavily on distributing winnings through public goods, while leaders of groups with small winning coalition systems are more likely to target specific citizens with private goods. Furthermore, the experiment shows that supporters of small coalition leaders benefit from that support in future rounds by receiving more private goods than citizens that did not support the leader. Meanwhile, citizens that support a large coalition leader do not benefit from this support in future rounds. Therefore, small coalition leaders target individual citizens to maintain a coalition over time in a way not possible in a group with a large winning coalition. Finally, in the experiment, small coalition leaders increased their payoffs over time, suggesting that once power has been consolidated, small coalition leaders narrow their coalition.


2004 ◽  
Vol 9 (3) ◽  
pp. 409-445 ◽  
Author(s):  
ARIEL DINAR ◽  
TRICHUR K. BALAKRISHNAN ◽  
JOSEPH WAMBIA

This paper develops an approach to assess the political risk associated with implementation of institutional reforms in the water sector, while providing insights into the interrelationship of institutional arrangements, power structure, and policy outcome. The analytical approach consists of a two-tier process to assess the institutional feasibility of reform implementation. The first tier is a structured analysis of power distribution among the power groups interested in the outcome of the reform. The second tier is a Delphi process, reflecting the opinions of experts. The approach was applied to the case of the National Drainage Program Project (NDP) in Pakistan, currently in the early stages of implementation. Several hypotheses regarding likely progress were tested, using the feedback provided by a panel of experts in the Delphi process.


Games ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 10 (3) ◽  
pp. 31 ◽  
Author(s):  
Karl Jandoc ◽  
Ruben Juarez

We study a model in which agents endowed with power compete for a divisible resource by forming coalitions with other agents. The coalition with the greatest power wins the resource and divides it among its members via proportional sharing. We conduct an economic experiment using this model to investigate possible behavioral factors that may explain deviations from theoretical predictions. The main findings show that agents display rational behavior when forming coalitions, especially when they know that a large proportion of their opponents play myopic strategies from the outset. Over time, however, agents learn to behave more strategically and even more rationally, thus enabling agents to display more of the behavior predicted by the coalition formation model with farsighted agents.


2020 ◽  
Vol 10 (12) ◽  
pp. 4359 ◽  
Author(s):  
Qi Zhou ◽  
Tao Du ◽  
Lijie Guo ◽  
Gaurav Sant ◽  
Mathieu Bauchy

Although calcium carbonate (CaCO3) precipitation plays an important role in nature, its mechanism remains only partially understood. Further understanding the atomic driving force behind the CaCO3 precipitation could be key to facilitate the capture, immobilization, and utilization of CO2 by mineralization. Here, based on molecular dynamics simulations, we investigate the mechanism of the early-stage nucleation of an amorphous calcium carbonate gel. We show that the gelation reaction manifests itself by the formation of some calcium carbonate clusters that grow over time. Interestingly, we demonstrate that the gelation reaction is driven by the existence of some competing local molecular stresses within the Ca and C precursors, which progressively get released upon gelation. This internal molecular stress is found to originate from the significantly different local coordination environments exhibited by Ca and C atoms. These results highlight the key role played by the local stress acting within the atomic network in governing gelation reactions.


2016 ◽  
Vol 1 (6) ◽  
pp. 0-0
Author(s):  
Дина Пайгина ◽  
Dina Paygina

The article analyzes the role of political factors in integration processes. Their implementation is a key component of the foreign policy of any state. As is generally known, the strategy of mutual relations of various countries is determined by a number of political factors, taking into account the interests of the community or competition in various spheres of cooperation. At the same time political factors are seen as the driving force of any process imposed by a public authority. It seems that the effect of political factors in this context is reflected in the fact that during the decision-making the stakeholders of the international integration seek to satisfy their own interests. The condition of mutually beneficial relationships, which has a clear political and economic context, is one of the key conditions in resolving the issue of states’ entering into the integration process. The content of political factors includes not only the political nature of states’ activities at the international level, but also the causes and the circumstances under which these decisions were taken. Thus, political factors are one of the major reasons for making key decisions in the implementation of international integration processes.


Author(s):  
Robert T. Hanlon

As the first commercially successful steam engine, the Newcomen engine was based on the condensation of steam to create a vacuum and so move a piston. Over time, mining’s favourable economics provided a strong driving force to improve overall efficiency of Newcomen’s design.


2020 ◽  
Vol Varia (Articles) ◽  
Author(s):  
Nora Gueliane

International audience الهجرة هي سمة مميزة للمزابيين ، وهم أقلية لغوية و عقائدية تتميز بارتباطها القوي بهويتها و كذا بخصوصية مؤسساتها العرفية الفعالة الى يومنا هذا. حيثما استقر المزابيون ، في الجزائر أو في الخارج ، يتم إنشاء مجلس عرفي او جماعة ويتم حيازة املاك و عقارات على شكل اوقاف اباضية :منزل الجماعة، مدرسة اباضية حرة، مسجد، مقبرة، مركز ثقافي، مكتبة... إلخ ، هذا على مستوى المدينة. على المستوى الوطني، تتم إدارة كل مقاطعة بواسطة تنسيقية و التنسقيات يتراسها مجلس كونفدرالي مقره في غرداية -مجلس عمي السعيد الجربي -.في هذا المقال سنتناول بشكل مفصل هذه المؤسسات و سنعمل على توضيح الآليات التي يعتمدها المزابيون من أجل تسهيل تنظيمهم في مدن اقامتهم خارج مزاب. في نهاية هذا النص ، سنكون قادرين على تقييم و اثبات الدور الفعال للتضامن الاجتماعي في تعبئة المجموعة و تسهيل عملية تاقلم المهاجرين الميزابيين في مدن اقامتهم. Migration is a characteristic feature of Mozabites, a minority with strong identity values and a particular institutional organization. Wherever Mozabites settle, in Algeria or abroad, a traditional assembly is created [the jma’a] and real estate is acquired: community house, free school, mosque, cemetery, cultural centre, library, etc.—this at the scale of a city. At the country level, each region is managed by a Coordination [tansiqiyat] and the whole is headed by a Confederal Council located in Ghardaïa—the  ‘Ammi  Said  Council. This article therefore aims to explain this institutional organization and to elucidate the mechanisms adopted by Mozabites in order to facilitate their organization and integration in a migratory context. At the end of this paper, we will be able to highlight the mobilization of the group’s solidarity as a driving force in this integration process. For our demonstration, in addition to the documentary research, we used a field survey (qualitative). Open, semi-directive and group interviews were conducted, mainly with the mozabite community living in a medium-sized city in eastern Algeria, the city of Bordj Bou Arreridj, during the years 2015 and 2016. Los carteles callejeros en Yaundé llevan dinámicas jerárquicas sociales y rivalidades que caracterizan la lucha por la expresión de los derechos en la ciudad. En un contexto donde la ciudad está dividida en áreas de visualización separadas, los carteles de las calles están destinados a reproducir las jerarquías sociales. Al mismo tiempo, algunos carteles luchan contra estas lógicas a través de lo que se conoce como estrategias de «contrapoder» y «contraespacio», sinónimo de urbanismo plural. La migration constitue un trait caractéristique des Mozabites, une minorité aux fortes valeurs identitaires et pourvue d’une organisation institutionnelle particulière. Là où les Mozabites sont installés, en Algérie ou à l’étranger, une assemblée traditionnelle est créée [la jma’a] et des biens immobiliers sont acquis  : maison communautaire, école libre, mosquée, cimetière, centre culturel, bibliothèque, etc. –, cela à l’échelle d’une ville. À l’échelle du pays, chaque région est gérée par une coordination [tansiqiyat] et le tout est chapeauté par un Conseil confédéral sis à Ghardaïa – le Conseil de ‘Ammi Saïd–. Il s’agit donc, dans cet article, d’étudier cette organisation institutionnelle et d’élucider les mécanismes adoptés par les Mozabites afin de faciliter leur organisation et insertion dans un contexte migratoire. À la fin de ce texte, nous serons en mesure de définir la mobilisation de la solidarité du groupe comme un élément moteur dans ce processus d’insertion. Pour notre démonstration, nous avons réalisé, en plus de la recherche documentaire, une enquête de terrain (qualitative). Des entretiens ouverts, semi-directifs et des entretiens de groupe ont été menés, essentiellement auprès de la communauté mozabite installée dans une ville moyenne de l’Est algérien ; la ville de Bordj Bou Arreridj, au cours des années 2015 et 2016.


2011 ◽  
Vol 24 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Ilja van Beest

Three is more than two: why coalition formation is not easy Three is more than two: why coalition formation is not easy In this short version of my inaugural address I describe how people form coalitions. I argue that people behave as if they are already a member of a coalition without realizing that they could also be excluded from the winning coalition. As a consequence people use specific tactics that have proven their success in dyadic interactions. Using examples of research on resources, power, distribution rules, emotions and deception, I show that the implementation of such tactics yield unexpected and potentially disastrous outcomes in triadic settings.


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