The Social Impacts of Militarization

2020 ◽  
pp. 125-151
Author(s):  
Alex Dowdall

Chapter 4 explores the continuation, disruption, and transformation of economic activity at the front, as well as the consequences and meanings of this economic activity for the communities under fire. It charts the chequered economic activity that characterized the Allied side, where the local economies of some towns, including Reims and Arras, suffered considerably. In other cases, notably the coal-mining region of the Pas-de-Calais, production continued even under the shells. The chapter demonstrates how economic activity under fire was shaped by broader national patterns of industrial mobilization, state intervention in the economy, labour relations, and social welfare provision. The chapter also demonstrates how, in wartime, work and the economy gained added layers of meaning, with the context of bombardment charging debates around work and welfare. Civilians living at the front made demands in respect of wages and welfare payments on the basis of the sacrifices they made for the nation by remaining under fire. This further solidified the distinction between the front-line communities and the rest of the nation. The situation under German occupation was quite different. Here, the German army employed forced labour on a wide scale, and so work was a necessity. Yet resistance to work that might harm the French war effort was also a moral imperative. There were few ready solutions to this problem, and many occupied civilians attempted to navigate a difficult path between acceptance and resistance.

1983 ◽  
Vol 31 (1_suppl) ◽  
pp. 60-76
Author(s):  
Patricia A. Morgan

Patricia Morgan's paper describes what happens when the state intervenes in the social problem of wife-battering. Her analysis refers to the United States, but there are clear implications for other countries, including Britain. The author argues that the state, through its social problem apparatus, manages the image of the problem by a process of bureaucratization, professionalization and individualization. This serves to narrow the definition of the problem, and to depoliticize it by removing it from its class context and viewing it in terms of individual pathology rather than structure. Thus refuges were initially run by small feminist collectives which had a dual objective of providing a service and promoting among the women an understanding of their structural position in society. The need for funds forced the groups to turn to the state for financial aid. This was given, but at the cost to the refuges of losing their political aims. Many refuges became larger, much more service-orientated and more diversified in providing therapy for the batterers and dealing with other problems such as alcoholism and drug abuse. This transformed not only the refuges but also the image of the problem of wife-battering.


2017 ◽  
Vol 18 (1) ◽  
pp. 18-35 ◽  
Author(s):  
James G Carrier

The idea of moral economy has been increasingly popular in the social sciences over the past decade, given a confusing variety of meanings and sometimes invoked as an empty symbol. This paper begins by describing this state of affairs and some of its undesirable corollaries, which include unthinking invocations of the moral and simplistic views of some sorts of economic activity. Then, referring especially to the work of EP Thompson and James C Scott, this paper proposes a more precise definition of moral economy that roots moral economic activity in the mutual obligations that arise when people transact with each other over the course of time. It thus distinguishes between the moral values that are the context of economic activity and those that arise from the activity itself. The solution that the paper proposes to the confused state of ‘moral economy’ can, therefore, be seen as terminological, as the sub-title suggests, but it is intended to have the substantive benefits of a better approach to economic activity and circulation and a more explicit and thoughtful attention to moral value.


2000 ◽  
Vol 29 (1) ◽  
pp. 109-116 ◽  
Author(s):  
CHACK KIE WONG ◽  
NAN SHONG PETER LEE

The paper starts with a brief discussion of recent developments of economic restructuring of the State Owned Enterprises in China and their related reforms in social insurance and social assistance. It then reports the findings of an attitude survey of residents in Shanghai in 1996 towards the social and economic consequences of economic reform. It reveals that, despite the fact that most people feel better off with the reforms, there is still a need for the state to play a role in social protection.


2017 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 59
Author(s):  
Muh Kadarisman ◽  
Aang Gunawan ◽  
Ismiyati Ismiyati

Transportation is the backbone in creating social welfare in Jakarta. Therefore, if there are problems in the transportation system, it will have an impact on the smooth traffic flow and will ultimately hamper the achievement of public welfare. This study used a descriptive-qualitative method. This study refers to the theory proposed by Anderson (in Tachjan, 2006: 23) and Sarana, et al (2009: 9). The results of the study are as follows. Policy implementation transportation system in Jakarta has been able to improve the social welfare of most citizens, which means some people have to feel and enjoy the outcome of transportation development  in Jakarta. However, others have not optimally felt the positive impact of the policy. Even, it is perceived negatively; such as traffic jams which are almost evenly distributed throughout Jakarta causing high air pollution, hampered economic activity and generated high economic costs that social welfare was also weakened. This is reinforced by the increasing poverty rate in 2014 that reached 393,980 people thousand compared to previous years.


2018 ◽  
Vol 1 (38) ◽  
Author(s):  
Luiz Carlos Buchain

 Intervenção do estado na economia e direito da concorrência Intervention of the state in the economy and competition law Luiz Carlos Buchain *  REFERÊNCIA BUCHAIN, Luiz Carlos. Intervenção do estado na economia e direito da concorrência. Revista da Faculdade de Direito da UFRGS, Porto Alegre, n. 38, p. 178-198, ago. 2018. RESUMOABSTRACTO texto trata da intervenção do Estado na ordem econômica. Considerando-se que o mercado perfeito é uma hipótese teórica e que o mercado apresenta “falhas no mercado”, o legislador constitucional autoriza a intervenção do Estado na economia. De um lado o Estado poderá ser agente econômico e explorar diretamente a economia, sempre que essa atividade seja necessária aos “imperativos de segurança nacional” e, de outro, o Estado intervém indiretamente na economia como agente normativo e regulador da atividade econômica. Analisa-se a possibilidade de intervenção do Estado na econômica em face dos princípios de livre iniciativa e livre concorrência. Enquanto a livre iniciativa representa a liberdade de produção e distribuição de bens e serviços, a livre concorrência representa um “princípio econômico”, segundo o qual a produção e os preços das mercadorias e serviços não devem resultar de atos cogentes da autoridade, mas sim do livre mercado. Entretanto, seja como agente regulador, seja como empresário, ao Estado compete garantir a eficácia da livre iniciativa e defesa da ordem concorrencial. A intervenção regulamentar do Estado na economia não o autoriza a agir contra o livre exercício da atividade econômica ou com desrespeito aos princípios da livre iniciativa e legalidade. Mesmo nas hipóteses em que a lei concede ao Estado liberdade aos seus atos, este está submetido ao fundamento da livre iniciativa e ao princípio da livre concorrência, sob pena de responsabilidade civil objetiva. The paper deals with the intervention of the State in the economic order. Considering that the perfect market is a theoretical hypothesis and that the market presents "market failures", the constitutional legislator authorizes the intervention of the State in the economy. On the one hand, the State can be an economic agent and act on the economy directly whenever this activity is necessary to the "imperatives of national security" and, on the other hand, the State intervenes indirectly in the economy as a normative agent and regulator of economic activity. It analyzes the possibility of state intervention in the economy in the face of the principles of free initiative and free competition. While free enterprise represents the freedom to produce and distribute goods and services, free competition represents an "economic principle" according to which the production and prices of goods and services should not be the result of acts of binding authority but of the free market. However, whether as a regulatory agent or as an entrepreneur, the State is responsible for guaranteeing the effectiveness of free initiative and the defense of the competitive order. The State's regulatory intervention in the economy does not authorize it to act against the free exercise of economic activity or with disrespect to the principles of free initiative and rule of law. Even in cases where the law grants the State freedom to act, it is subject to the principle of free initiative and to the principle of free competition, under penalty of objective civil liability.PALAVRAS-CHAVEKEYWORDSLivre iniciativa. Livre concorrência. Intervenção do Estado na economia. Responsabilidade civil objetiva.Free initiative. Free competition. State intervention in the economy. Objective civil liability.* Professora adjunto da Faculdade de Direito da Universidade Federal do Rio Grande do Sul. Doutorado em Direito Econômico na Universidade Federal do Rio Grande do Sul. Advogado.


2018 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 291-315 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ewan McGaughey

Abstract What explains the election of the 45th President of the United States? Many commentators have said that Trump is a fascist. This builds on grave concerns, since Citizens United, that democracy is being corrupted. This article suggests the long term cause, and the shape of ideology is more complex. In 1971, an extraordinary memorandum of Lewis Powell for the U.S. Chamber of Commerce urged that ‘[b]usiness interests’ should ‘press vigorously in all political arenas for support’. Richard Nixon appointed Powell to the Supreme Court, and a few years later, despite powerful dissent, a majority in Buckley v. Valeo held that candidates may spend unlimited funds on their own political campaigns, a decision of which Donald Trump, and others, have taken full advantage. Citizens United compounded the problems, but Buckley v. Valeo was the ‘Trump for President’ case. This provided a platform from which Trump could propel himself into extensive media coverage. The 2016 election was inseparable from the social ideal pursued by a majority of the Supreme Court since 1976. No modern judiciary had engaged in a more sustained assault on democracy and human rights. Properly understood, ‘fascism’ is a contrasting, hybrid political ideology. It mixes liberalism’s dislike of state intervention, social conservatism’s embrace of welfare provision for insiders (not ‘outsiders’), and collectivism’s view that associations are key actors in a class conflict. Although out of control, Trump is closely linked to neo-conservative politics. It is too hostile to insider welfare to be called ‘fascist’. Its political ideology is weaker. If we had to give it a name, the social ideal of Donald Trump is ‘fascism-lite’.


2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 57-61
Author(s):  
Ibraheem Alani AbdulKareem ◽  
Mohd Sadad bin Mahmud ◽  
Moses Elaigwu ◽  
Abdul Fattah Abdul Ganiyy

As at the end year of 2019, the Covid-19 pandemic outbreak had caused an unparalleled human crisis around the world. The disease is causing not just a health problem but also economic crisis. Numerous countries fell into meltdown and more people fell into poverty. The government may not be sufficiently able to take the economy back to its track. The concentration has now moved from the spread of the virus to the economic consequences it will bring to the community. The lack of production will lead to the deficiency of supply and therefore will end as loss of employment and jobs for a large number of people around the globe. The most significant sections of our society are SMEs and daily wage will bear the major burn of the crisis. Therefore, Islamic social finance, incorporating zakat and waqf, has to be adopted to address the Covid-19 pandemic crisis. Zakat and waqf are commonly practised in Muslims countries majority. Zakat and waqf function show the possibility and economic advantages of zakat and waqf properties for people’s prosperity. Moreover, zakat and waqf can be utilized to fill financial gaps and can likewise be utilized to create social wellbeing. This study explores the application and potential of zakat and waqf institutions for the social wellbeing of the people and economic development during and after Covid-19 pandemic. The study reviewed past studies on the potential of zakat and waqf as an alternative way for social development and economic growth. The study, therefore, observed that zakat and waqf institutions can improve economic activity through zakat and waqf properties use for various purposes such as health services, infrastructure, SMEs, poverty eradication and education. 


2019 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 180-188
Author(s):  
Mohd Nizam Barom

Purpose: This paper examines and reflects the ongoing debate on the social responsibility role of Islamic financial institutions (IFIs) in the light of the literature in the area of third sector and three-sector economic model. Subsequently, it seeks to develop a framework that can be used to conceptualise the potential interaction between the different sectors in the economy in relation to social welfare issues and locate the social responsibility role of IFIs within this framework.    Methodology: The paper uses an integrative analysis of Islamic finance and third sector literature, particularly on the American and European conceptions of the interactions between the three main sectors in the economy, i.e. public, private and ‘third’ sectors. Results: The paper develops a modified circular flow of income and expenditure model as a basis for the integrative framework for social welfare provision within a three-sector economic model. Subsequently, it locates the social responsibility role of IFIs within this framework with the understanding that social welfare burden is a collective responsibility and therefore shared among the various potential welfare providers in the economy.  Implications: The integrative framework of social welfare provision within a three-sector economic model as conceptualised in this paper highlights a multi-institutional approach towards promoting socio-economic justice and society's well-being in an Islamic economy, and hence provides a proper and reasonable context for social responsibility roles expected of IFIs.


2019 ◽  
Vol 11 (3) ◽  
pp. 71-85
Author(s):  
Renáta Pakšiová ◽  
Kornélia Lovciová

Abstract Corporate reporting on non-financial information has been currently gaining much more interest compared to the past. Most food enterprises believe that performing responsibly and showing an interest in society and the environment will produce a profit and benefit them as well as society. Such cases, in which enterprises report on non-financial information, were the subject of this research. The study aims to discover the managerial reporting of 2017 on the social and environmental effects of food companies in Slovakia to better understand problems in this regard. 2017 was the first year when enterprises were required to draft annual reports containing non-financial information following the amendment to the Slovak law that resulted from the European Union requirements. Across the world, reporting on non-financial information is regulated by voluntary guidelines. The paper presents conclusions of a content analysis of annual food business reports in the Slovak Republic in the context of G4 (GRI) directives from social and environmental points of view as key elements in social responsibility reporting. Individual social and environmental aspects of the research are disclosed by an enterprise if the information in its annual report conforms to defined G4 activities (GRI). All the food enterprises operating in Slovakia that compiled annual reports for 2017 were included in the research. Therefore, 142 annual reports with economic activities in 26 subclasses in the food industry sector were selected. The results present a current and comprehensive (full) reporting overview of this industry in Slovakia and reveal several shortcomings in executive reporting. The analysis of the environmental information in the annual reports shows that food enterprises reporting on environmental protection mainly focus on waste, product services, wastewater, materials and energy, evidenced by information about ongoing monitoring of the environmental impacts of production. In the social category, the G4 (GRI) directive defines four main aspects: (i) labour relations and the environment, (ii) human rights, (iii) society and (iv) liability for products.


2021 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 169-188
Author(s):  
Sevinç Alkan Özcan ◽  
Muhammed Hüzeyin Mercan

Regulations, measures and restrictions implemented by state authorities on public events and mass gatherings due to fear, anxiety, and panic caused by COVID-19 pandemic have made religious field more open to state intervention since the global pandemic started and religious practices underwent radical changes. Governments’ public health measures concerning the places of mass worship and religious gatherings to stop the spread of the pandemic and the reactions of religious groups against their orders and imposed restrictions emerged as a new dimension of the debates on state-religion and state-individual relations. In this regard, the main purpose of the study is to discuss the new global religious trends that emerged with the outbreak of COVID-19 pandemic, which reshapes state-religion relations through the regulations and measure for containing the virus, in light of the experiences in different regions and religious traditions, and to analyze the relationship between the religion and the state in the Middle East, specifically the cases of Israel and Iran as religious character is dominant and orthodox religious groups play a significant role within the social and political structure in both countries.


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