The Ethics of Recognition in International Political Theory

Author(s):  
Anna Geis

Studies on recognition in international politics deal with the (de-)legitimation of specific actors and the political dynamics of inclusion/exclusion in international society. Misrecognition, which actors experience as humiliation, disrespect, or false representations of their identity, is seen as a major cause of political resistance. This chapter first outlines the emerging body of literature on recognition in international relations. The following sections focus on three politicized issue areas in contemporary conflict settings: the struggles for (status) recognition by so-called “emerging powers”; the recognition processes that occur through negotiations with terrorist groups; and the recognition of individuals as victims in violent conflicts. The final section discusses the pitfalls of the normatively loaded concept of “recognition” in many of these studies. While (mis)recognition is certainly a key concept with which to understand the central dynamics of social and political conflicts, a generous politics of recognition cannot provide a panacea to all of these ills.

Thesis Eleven ◽  
2013 ◽  
Vol 114 (1) ◽  
pp. 48-60
Author(s):  
Renante D. Pilapil

This article examines the critical potential of Honneth’s theory or ethics of recognition by raising two concerns as regards the success of such a project. Firstly, this article argues that Honneth’s ethical turn in critical theory might not be completely warranted and that there are good reasons to supplement his theory of recognition with an account of justificatory practices. Secondly, it argues that the complexity of the beginnings of political resistance proves that an explanative gap remains to be filled to account for the way in which personal experience of disrespect can be transformed into a collective struggle for recognition. By way of conclusion, this article posits that instead of rejecting the critical potential of Honneth’s theory, the concerns raised therein are invitations to specify his theory further, so that contemporary struggles for recognition can be understood more profoundly.


2012 ◽  
Vol 49 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 189-205 ◽  
Author(s):  
Norbert Ropers

The international community has played an increasingly important role in the settlement and prevention of violent political conflicts in the last two decades. One of the key tools in this effort has been the provision of third party support mainly in the form of mediation by outside parties with some kind of impartiality or ‘multi-partiality’ for resolution of international as well as sub-national conflicts. In Asia, a continent with a high level of unresolved, frozen and latent conflicts, and where there is lack of effective regional infrastructures for conflict management and resolution, outside efforts been rather limited. Instead, the discourses on improving security have emphasized especially the contribution of actors inside the respective countries and also the importance of a culturally and politically sensitive ‘Asian approach’ to mediation. This observation is discussed with respect to three examples: ( a) ASEAN’s diplomatic and security culture; ( b) the role of the ‘national facilitators’ in Nepal; and ( c) a group of peace activists who have formed an ‘Insider Peace builders Platform’ to resolve the conflict in the deep south of Thailand. The examples demonstrate that there is a promising development of political and social activists who can play critical roles in the transformation of violent conflicts, but these efforts need to be more systematically broadened and deepened to create an effective infrastructure for peace support in the region.


2016 ◽  
Vol 7 (1-2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Uwe Wagschal ◽  
Thomas Metz

AbstractThe following article analyzes violent political conflicts. Starting from theoretical debates on the determinants of violent conflicts, it focuses on intrastate conflicts. The main explanatory factors which are analyzed from different perspectives are demographic factors. Not only the size of the population or the population density is relevant, but also the so-called youth bulge. Youth bulges, i.e. large cohorts of young people, are the main driving forces of war. Especially variants like male youth bulges are highly significant in the empirical analysis. The article uses different data sets for the analysis, like the Global Peace Index and the CONIS data. Various statistical methods are used in the analysis. The article also draws attention to intervening factors, which might intensify or lessen the impact of the youth bulge.


Author(s):  
Colin Bird

This chapter investigates the relationship between the so-called ‘politics of recognition’ and the philosophical discussion of principles of distributive justice. It argues that the literature has failed to distinguish clearly between three forms of recognition potentially relevant to distributive justice: status-recognition, authenticity-recognition and worth-recognition. Each of these forms of recognition is explored, and their various possible links to arguments about the requirements of justice are distinguished and critically discussed. Against much conventional wisdom, the chapter suggests that models of recognition built around the recognition of ‘equal status’ need not be problematically ‘difference blind’; that claims about authenticity-recognition have a more tenuous relation to discussion of (distributive) justice than many suppose; and that disadvantaged individuals’ need for respectful recognition is not reducible either to claims about their moral status or to demands that identity be authentically expressed in social discourse.


2020 ◽  
Vol 43 (3) ◽  
pp. 73-85
Author(s):  
José G. Moreno

This article examines the University of California at Berkeley Chicana/o Studies Movement between 1968 and 1975. The first section contextualizes how the Free Speech Movement (1964) and the Third World Liberation Front (1968–1969) set the stage for the advancement of Ethnic and Chicana/o Studies. The second section offers a historical examination of the Chicana/o Studies Movement and explains political conflicts between the university administration and their internal struggles. The final section examines the role of the El Grito publication and how it impacted the development of the Chicana/o Studies discipline. Finally, this paper examines how the culture of empire utilized neocolonialists to destroy the radical student voice and prevented the creation of an autonomous Chicana/o Studies Department.


Author(s):  
Tom Onditi Luoch

Africa has been plagued by many violent conflicts in history and in contemporary times. Causes of these conflicts range from disagreements over allocation of national resources to ethnic rivalries over grazing fields, to territorial expansionism in the past, to economic development, elections and others, more recently. Hate speech or inflammatory language, or dangerous language both on line and off line, and elections have developed as major catalysts in recent violent conflicts. This chapter explores language (hate speech, inflammatory or dangerous language) as the verbal fuel that has ignited violent political conflicts in Kenya over the last two decades. It concludes that even though language fuels conflict, efforts to end conflict must go beyond language and elections (surface manifestations of deep-seated grievances) to economic marginalization which is at the core of differences that spasmodically erupt in violence.


2012 ◽  
Vol 6 (3) ◽  
pp. 389-410 ◽  
Author(s):  
Simone Bignall

Plural expressions of ‘belonging’ in postcolonial and multicultural societies give particular emphasis to a politics of cultural recognition. Within nations, diverse communities call for acknowledgement of their aspirations, for fair representation in public life and for protection of the distinctive cultural practices and beliefs that define and help to sustain minoritarian identities. Recognition is also important for group self-concept and cohesion, and so plays a vital role in the creation of stable platforms for political resistance. This essay explores Deleuze and Guattari's concept of ‘faciality’ and their implied critique of the politics of recognition. I argue that their rejection of the ‘politics of the face’ does not simply dismiss or disregard the pluralist imperatives of the just recognition that is required for postcolonialism. In fact, their preference for ‘dismantling the face’ provides a perspective that can be useful in assisting efforts to rethink recognition in terms adequate to forms of pluralist political engagement and non-imperial forms of subjectivity and sociality.


2019 ◽  
pp. 83-92
Author(s):  
Peace and Development Research Center

Reducing violence and promoting social reconciliation require sufficient understanding of the causes and contributors of conflicts. This chapter identifies the causes of conflicts and pillars of social reconciliation in Puntland and across Somalia. Environmental decline and population growth have exerted pressure on already meagre resources. In rural areas, there have been conflicts following the expansion of encampments over one-time grazing land. In urban areas, land grabbing and over-exploitation of limited economic opportunities have contributed to heightened tensions and the eruption of violent conflicts among communities. Clan-based political dispositions in post-civil war Somalia have also contributed to political conflicts along clan, sub-clan, and even family lines across the country. The absence of the rule of law, state enforcement mechanisms, and abundance of weapons in civilian hands has meant that minor quarrels escalate into violent confrontations among groups, which then draw in their respective communities.


1970 ◽  
Vol 7 ◽  
Author(s):  
Julian Culp ◽  
Johannes Plagemann

Rising powers are fundamentally shifting the relations of power in the global economic and political landscape. International political theory, however, has so far failed to evaluate this nascent multipolarity. This article fills this lacuna by synthesizing empirical and normative modes of inquiry. It examines the transformation of sovereignty exercised by emerging democracies and focuses especially on the case of Brazil. The paper shows that – in stark contrast to emerging democracies’ foreign policy rhetoric – the ‘softening’ of sovereignty, which means that emerging powers gain as well as lose certain aspects of sovereignty, has become the norm. The paper explores this softening of sovereignty from the perspective of global justice by assessing it on the basis of globalist, statist, and internationalist conceptions of global justice. We find that the emergent multipolarity contributes in various ways to the realization of the distinct socioeconomic and political criteria of these three conceptions of global justice. However, we also point out that the transformation of sovereignty generates particular problems for the realization of all three conceptions.


ILUMINURAS ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 22 (56) ◽  
Author(s):  
Leandro Rodrigues Lage ◽  
Julia Mota França

O objetivo deste artigo é investigar as dimensões estéticas e políticas das imagens alusivas ao levante histórico da Cabanagem (1835-1840), tensionando seu trabalho de dar forma visual ao tempo histórico daquela revolta e sua capacidade de desvelar a sobrevivência de gestos e afetos de resistência política dos povos amazônicos. A argumentação se inicia pelas premissas relativas à historicidade da Cabanagem como a única revolta popular do período regencial que efetivamente conseguiu a tomada do poder. Em seguida, exploramos uma antropologia política das imagens à luz das perspectivas de Georges Didi-Huberman e Aby Warburg, buscando entender o papel das imagens nos conflitos políticos dessa natureza, reconhecendo-as como repositórios de uma história visual e também dos desejos sobreviventes, da dimensão sensível subjacente à dinâmica das sublevações. Por fim, analisamos, em certa iconografia da Cabanagem, as figurações do heroísmo do homem revoltado e da ira das massas sanguinárias como elementos estético-expressivos (im)próprios dessas imagens. Palavras-chave: Levantes. Cabanagem. Imagem. Ghosts of the Cabanagem uprising: between the heroism of revolted and the wrath of the seditious crowds Abstract: The aim of this article is to investigate the aesthetic and political dimensions of images alluding the historical uprising of the Cabanagem (1835-1840), tensioning its work to shape visual form to the historical time of that revolt and its ability to unveil the survival of gestures and affections of political resistance of the Amazonian peoples. The argument begins with the premises related to historicity of the Cabanagem as the only popular uprising of the regency period that effectively managed to reach power. Then, we explored a political anthropology of images in the light of the perspectives of Georges Didi-Huberman and Aby Warburg, seeking to understand the role of the images in political conflicts of this nature, recognizing them as repositories of a visual history and also of the surviving desires, of the sensible dimension underlying the dynamics of the uprisings. Finally, we analyzed, in a certain iconography of the Cabanagem, the figurations of the revolted man's heroism and the wrath of the seditious crowds as aesthetic-expressive elements (im)proper to these images.Keywords: Uprising. Cabanagem. Image.


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