Army dependence will hinder law enforcement in Mexico

Subject The militarisation of policing in Mexico. Significance On December 8, Defence Minister Salvador Cienfuegos questioned the government’s domestic security strategy, saying that insecurity and violent crime “are not issues you can resolve with gunfire”. His remarks come ten years after the launch of a military campaign against organised crime, championed by former President Felipe Calderon (2006-12). Since then, criticism has grown from the military regarding the lack of progress made in restructuring and improving the effectiveness of civilian security forces, and the apparent lack of political will to regulate the role of the army, which is still at the heart of the government’s security policy. Impacts Frustration within the armed forces will continue for the remainder of the administration as police reform makes slow progress. The forces’ continued lack of legal protection in carrying out their law enforcement duties will leave them exposed to allegations of abuse. Without strengthening the justice system's ability to keep convicts in prison, no security forces will succeed against organised crime.

Subject The militarisation of security. Significance Lack of police capability and the scale of Guatemala's security challenges mean that the military role in combatting organised crime will continue, despite concerns. President Jimmy Morales recently announced that the military would continue to support police with domestic security. This comes as security challenges remain acute, particularly in urban areas and the northern Peten department. Impacts Peten will remain the focus point of drug trafficking activity, though extortion in urban areas will be a more pressing concern. Public pressure for a tough approach to crime means that periodic excesses by security forces will continue to be tolerated. While Guatemala faces similar security challenges to neighbouring countries, there is little prospect of increased cooperation.


Significance The closure of border crossings since March 2020 has fuelled violent competition for control of lucrative informal crossings (trochas) and frontier towns. However, the Venezuelan military is ill-prepared to deal with the expanding presence of Colombia’s irregular armed groups. Recent incursions highlight weaknesses in the Venezuelan armed forces, which have suffered casualties. Impacts The penetration of organised crime groups into Venezuela’s disintegrating state and economy will continue to intensify. Organised criminal violence coupled with the violence of military operations will fuel displacement, COVID and civilian casualties. A speedy, negotiated solution to Venezuela’s political impasse is needed to preclude fusion with Colombia’s own protracted insurgency.


2018 ◽  
Vol 25 (4) ◽  
pp. 951-961
Author(s):  
Yara El Siwi

Purpose The gruesome attacks of 11 September 2001 signalled a powerful paradigm shift in international politics: governments previously accustomed to military menaces were now being increasingly threatened by independent, non-state actors. Consequently, a plethora of literature emerged, looking to better understand the nature of these actors. An aspect that has attracted substantial interest is the inter-relation between terrorism and organised crime (OC). This paper aims to answer the question as to whether, for the purpose of controlling and mitigating the threat they pose to society, there is meaning in differentiating between terrorist organisations (TOs) and organised crime groups (OCGs). Design/methodology/approach The first section of the paper will provide an account of the various kinds of threats posed by OCGs and TOs. The subsequent section will question whether it is possible, in today’s globalised era, to distinguish between these two actors, while the last sections will ask if such a differentiation is desirable. Findings OCGs and TOs display a clear divergence: the former’s motivation is financial while the latter’s political. With the end of the Cold War, however, each type of organisation has been building up the capabilities of the other, helped by the force of global networks. As such, these two actors now exist within the same body – a continuum – that renders their separation difficult. As to the question of desirability, the separation of the two phenomena has often led to the adoption of highly disproportionate militarised and securitised measures, resulting in a dangerous blending of law enforcement and security service methodology. Originality/value Many have argued for the separation of the “terrorist” from the “criminal”, on the grounds that the former is particularly heinous and deserving of more severe measures. Others have studied the evolution of these two phenomena to understand whether the lines separating them have been blurring and the extent to which this affects law-enforcement. This paper goes beyond notions of feasibility and poses the following question: has the traditional separation of these phenomena led to a desirable regime?


Author(s):  
Volodymyr Liutyi ◽  

The relevance of the article is due to the European integration aspirations of Ukraine and the prospects of joining its security forces, including the National Guard of Ukraine, to the NATO. So, the formation of language competence in modern conditions is an integral part of the officer’s professional development and training. Theoretical analysis of scientific sources on the language competence development in servicemen of the Armed Forces of Ukraine and law enforcement officers of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Ukraine revealed that this problem has not been studied and needs additional research. The essence of the language competence in the NGU officer is revealed as a personal integrative formation, which allows the specialist (an officer) effectively to communicate in foreign language, to achieve positive results in his professional activity. It is studied that the requirements of the NATO STANAG-6001, as well as various aspects of the NGU's professional activity should be taken into account when developing the language competence in NGU officers.


Significance The government claims opposition factions linked to Guaido are behind the upsurge of ‘GEDO’ violence (Grupo Estructurado de Delincuencia Organizada, or Structured Organised Crime Group). Efforts by security forces to ‘stabilise’ GEDO-dominated communities may portend an upsurge in state violence. Impacts The Haitian president’s killing has strengthened the government narrative of externally orchestrated mercenary warfare. Concerns about state decomposition in Venezuela will add urgency to international efforts at successful dialogue. An already weakened Guaido is on the back foot following Guevara’s arrest and lacks the authority to enforce any negotiated outcomes.


Author(s):  
Michael Brzoska

Purpose – The paper aims to investigate the consequences of climate change for the future of armed forces and their presentation in national security documents. Design/methodology/approach – A classification of potential future military roles and functions is derived from relevant literature, resulting in six “military futures”. Frames are developed for these whose occurrence is counted in 53 authoritative documents on security policy and defense planning from 38 countries. Results are presented in descriptive statistics. Findings – The paper demonstrates that climate change has become an important issue for military planning. However, the directions in which it takes thinking about the future of armed forces differ widely. Among the six “military futures” identified, those linked to the function of disaster relief are most frequently found. However, the expansion of traditional military roles is also promoted. Rarer are suggestions for armed forces to became “greener” or “leaner”. In general, climate change provides an additional justification for continuing established paths for military planning. Originality/value – The paper makes two contributions to the existing literature. First, it provides a classification of potential future consequences of climate change for armed forces. Second, it empirically establishes, for a set of authoritative documents, the relative importance of differing expectation of the effects of climate change on the structure and functions of militaries.


2015 ◽  
Vol 18 (2) ◽  
pp. 153-168 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anita Lavorgna

Purpose – The purpose of this article is to provide an empirically based description of how the Internet is exploited by different types of organised crime groups (OCGs), ranging from Italian mafia-style groups to looser gangs. Design/methodology/approach – The article relies on a dataset collected from mid-2011 to mid-2013 and, specifically, on semi-structured interviews to law enforcement officials and acknowledged experts in Italy, the UK, the USA and The Netherlands; judicial transcripts; police records; and media news. Findings – This article provides an account of the main scope for which the Internet has been used for various criminal activities traditionally associated with the organised crime rhetoric, first and foremost, cross-border trafficking activities. This study also discusses some current legal and policy approaches to deal with OCGs operating online. Originality/value – This contribution addresses an under-investigated research field and aims to foster a reflection on the opportunity to integrate Internet crime research, and even more Internet crime investigations, into the everyday routines of criminologists, analysts and law enforcement officers.


Significance Claiming the lives of at least 21 people, this was the deadliest attack since the TTP siege on an army school in the provincial capital of Peshawar in mid-December 2014. Impacts The counterinsurgency campaign will allow the military to override and erode civilian authority. Islamabad's compliance with the military's security policy boosts the longevity of Nawaz Sharif's government. The bolstering of civilian law enforcement agencies is necessary, but unlikely for the foreseeable future.


Significance The protests pose the greatest threat to President Daniel Ortega since he took power in 2007. The president’s eventual withdrawal of the social security reforms that had sparked the unrest has, instead of restoring order, emboldened protesters, who are now pushing for further political concessions and have called for a mass anti-government demonstration to be held tomorrow. Impacts Businesses may postpone investment decisions until after the national dialogue, posing a risk of economic slowdown. Damage to the reputation of the security forces threatens to foster long-term resentment, undermining law enforcement. The protests may spur anti-corruption protests in other parts of the region, such as Guatemala.


Subject Public security policy under the incoming government. Significance The new political landscape following the recent elections has accelerated the trend towards militarisation of public security responses to crime. President-elect Jair Bolsonaro has pledged to increase the focus on imprisonment and make it easier for police officers to shoot criminals. This is especially worrying in Rio de Janeiro, where a key Bolsonaro ally was elected governor and promised to form sniper teams to shoot suspected criminals, including from helicopters. Impacts The armed forces’ representation in the future cabinet will reinforce the narrative of crime as a ‘national security’ issue. The army may be deployed more frequently on the streets. Bolsonaro’s public security promises will require negotiations with state governments with direct responsibility for crime fighting. Disputes over the constitutionality of a plan to free police officers from prosecution may prompt fierce political and juridical debate.


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