UAS, Data and privacy protection within the European Union: The case of Greece

Author(s):  
Serafeim M. Sansaridis
Author(s):  
Elsa Supiot ◽  
Margo Bernelin

This chapter analyzes the European Union framing of the protection of genetic privacy in the context of the European Commission's 2012 proposal to amend the 95/46/EC Data Protection Directive. This market-driven proposal, fitting a wider European movement with regard to health-related legal framework, takes into account the challenges to privacy protection brought by rapid technological development. Although the proposal is an attempt to clarify the 1995 Data Protection Directive, including the question of genetic data, it also creates some controversial grey areas, especially concerning the extensive regulatory role to be played by the European Commission. With regard to genetic privacy, this chapter takes the opportunity to develop on this paradox, and gives an analysis of the European design on the matter.


2016 ◽  
Vol 24 (3) ◽  
pp. 227-240 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nicos Souliotis ◽  
Georgia Alexandri

This article traces the transfer of competitiveness and cohesion policies from the European Union (EU) institutions to the national and subnational authorities in Greece, both before and after the sovereign debt crisis. We argue that prior to the crisis, the flexibilities of the EU governance system allowed the Greek central government to use the competitiveness and cohesion agenda, as well as the associated funds, to build a domestic socio-political consensus focused on the idea of ‘convergence’ with Europe. The crisis-induced bailout programme deepened neoliberal policies and reorganised vertical and horizontal power relations: policy-making powers have been upscaled towards the supranational level, while the national authorities have been socially disembedded.


2017 ◽  
Vol 43 (5) ◽  
pp. 2229
Author(s):  
D. E. Karageorgiou ◽  
A. Metaxas ◽  
D. Dimitriou ◽  
E. Arapogiannis ◽  
G. Varvarousis

The objective of the present work is the assessment of the lignite contribution to the energy balance of Greece, according to the creation processes and the chronological classification. The lignite deposits known so far in Greece have been discovered and researched from the scientists of IGME in the course of evolution since 1948 (Greek Geological Survey), 1950 (Institute of Geology and Surface Research), 1973 (National Institute of Geological and Mineral Exploration) and finally in its current form in 1976 (Institute of Geology and Mineral Exploration) and are divided into (a) “productive”, (b) future “productive” and (c) no financial interest in power generation. A project, co-financed by the Greek Government and the European Union, is currently implemented, aiming at the recovery of the latter in non-electrical purposes with very good results in the first stage of research. According to the works carried out so far it has been observed that lignite formation started in Greece during Eocene and continued to date. From 1950 until today there is an upward trend in lignite reserves. Lignite generates electricity at a rate 63% today with higher rates 79.3%, during 1994. In Greece 41% of lignite deposits were created during Miocene. However, only 13% of these deposits that contribute to electricity generation derive from economically exploitable reserves. In Greece, due mainly to use of lignite for electricity production, the cost of Kw/h for both domestic use and for industrial is below the European Union average.


Author(s):  
Philip Whitehead

Since the Agricultural Revolution 12,000 years ago, human beings have demonstrated an extraordinary capacity to carve up the world between us and them, have and have nots. This cleaving of humanity reflects fertile soil for the production and reproduction of the pejorative, demonised, and relegated other which is the subject of this book. From ancient empires, stepping into the classical age of Greece and Rome, to more recent political tyrannies, the refugee crisis, and the problem with the European Union, this chapter explores and illustrates the long reach of pejorative othering. It doing so it frames the subject to provide critical and urgent insights into a pressing problem.


2020 ◽  
Vol 24 (3) ◽  
pp. 25-43
Author(s):  
Janusz Balicki

This article focuses on the solidarity of EU member states with the so-called “front” country, Greece, which found itself during the migration crisis in 2015 and in the following years on the most burdened East-Mediterranean route, i.e. the route by sea from Turkey to Greece and onwards to various European Union countries. Refugees from Syria but also from Iraq and Afghanistan continue to arrive along this route. The destinations for boats carrying immigrants and refugees via Turkey to Greece are the islands in the Aegean Sea including the island of Lesbos whereon the infamous Moria camp still plays a special role. The island which hosts Moria is the subject of European solidarity research with Greece. The structure of this article consists of three parts. The first discusses the principle of solidarity which, like any community, lies at the heart of the European Union. Part Two deals with the migration crisis and its challenges regarding the solidarity of EU Member States from Greece. The third part focuses on the humanitarian consequences of the lack of solidarity between EU member states and Greece. The source material is scientific publications on the EU, information from EU portals and press agencies and their recordings of developments in Greece related to the infl ux of immigrants along the Eastern Mediterranean route along with the author’s own observations of the Moria camp during a visit at the end of November 2019. This article also partly refers to the new humanitarian challenges arising in the context of the situation of immigrants on their way to Europe during the Coronavirus pandemic (COVID-19).


2020 ◽  
Vol 703 (4) ◽  
pp. 1-10
Author(s):  
Ioannis Kotoulas

Greece entered NATO in order to guarantee its existence against the revisionism of the Balkan communist states during the Cold War. The rise of Greek-Turkish rivalry during the 1950s and 1960s and its climax, the 1974 Turkish invasion of Cyprus, caused Greece’s withdrawal from NATO structure from 1974 to 1980. After the end of the Cold War Greece attempted to form a multilateral approach in its foreign policy and secure its interests in both the Balkan area and the Eastern Mediterranean. The new unstable environment of the early 21st century and Greece’s economic crisis complicated Greece’s position in NATO. Still the macro-historic parameters of Greece’s identity as a sea power confirm its ties to the Atlantic world and predict a possible realignment of Greece in an increasingly unstable European framework that could well see the demise of the European Union.


Author(s):  
Luis Rodrigo Rodrigo Asturias Schaub

The economic crisis of 2007 is still a matter of preoccupation for the countries around the World. The effect of the economic crisis is still in the agendas of many regions, including Europe. The present paper analyzes the effect of the economic crisis on one of the most important values of the European Union: wellbeing. The analysis leads us to the response of two main questions that elaborated the document: What is the current situation in Europe? What is the effect of the current situation in the wellbeing of Greece, Portugal, Spain, and Italy? The countries were chosen because of the similar situation they have concerning debt, inflation, unemployment and the search for immediate solutions. The empirical analysis based an inductive process and correlation and graphical analysis exemplify the situation of wellbeing in Europe.


Author(s):  
Elsa Supiot ◽  
Margo Bernelin

This chapter analyzes the European Union framing of the protection of genetic privacy in the context of the European Commission's 2012 proposal to amend the 95/46/EC Data Protection Directive. This market-driven proposal, fitting a wider European movement with regard to health-related legal framework, takes into account the challenges to privacy protection brought by rapid technological development. Although the proposal is an attempt to clarify the 1995 Data Protection Directive, including the question of genetic data, it also creates some controversial grey areas, especially concerning the extensive regulatory role to be played by the European Commission. With regard to genetic privacy, this chapter takes the opportunity to develop on this paradox, and gives an analysis of the European design on the matter.


2017 ◽  
Vol 18 (7) ◽  
pp. 1683-1702
Author(s):  
Dimitra Gamba ◽  
Dimosthenis Lentzis

The debate on the exact meaning and content of their constitutional identity has a long history in many European countries, with national courts playing the leading role. Ten years ago, this debate was given a new boost by the Treaty on European Union (TEU), article 4 paragraph 2 of which urges the European Union to respect the constitutional identities of the Member States. The national courts in a number of Member States saw in this provision the recognition of their zealous efforts to control the ongoing expansion of EU competences and to overcome the absolute primacy of EU law over domestic constitutional law. In Greece, however, no debate on the possible use of constitutional identity as a limit to the European Union and its law had taken place—at least not until recently. Our main objective in this article is to try to explain why Greek courts, and especially the Symvoulion Epikrateias, the supreme administrative court, failed to develop and make recourse to a notion of constitutional identity, even in cases they had good reasons to do so, and to find out if—and, if yes, to what extent—the situation has changed after the outbreak of the financial and, soon after, the migration crises. The analysis of the relevant case-law will permit us to conclude that the Greek constitutional identity is currently still under construction and that it is constructed using elements from both the liberal and the exclusionist models.


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