Fisheries in China: progress, problems, and prospects

1997 ◽  
Vol 54 (1) ◽  
pp. 224-238 ◽  
Author(s):  
Y Zhong ◽  
G Power

China is the leading contributor to world fisheries production. This has been achieved by intensive exploitation of territorial and distant marine waters, by considerable development of mariculture, by extensive use and manipulation of freshwater fish stocks, and by extraordinary expansion and application of better techniques to freshwater culture. Marine capture fisheries were most important until the 1980s when, in response to overexploitation of wild stocks, emphasis shifted to aquaculture. By 1993, aquaculture accounted for more than half of China's fisheries production in spite of considerable expansion of its capture fisheries. Freshwater culture was the biggest fraction, producing 7.9 million t (36.7%). The highest yields were from ponds, followed by reservoirs, lakes, and river channels. Yields per unit area greatly increased because of better rearing methods, polyculture, integrated farm - fish pond culture, introductions of new strains and species, and intensification of culture techniques. Present trends suggest that capture fisheries are approaching their limits. New investments are likely to concentrate on aquaculture. There are risks from disease, deteriorating water quality, use of suboptimal areas, and the demands of increasingly affluent Chinese people. The fisheries sector aims to maximize economic, social, and ecological benefits for Chinese society.

2021 ◽  
pp. 002216782110208
Author(s):  
Jingyu Liang ◽  
Yancui Zhang ◽  
Ruitong Guo ◽  
Heyong Shen

This article studies the impact of Kitchen God beliefs and worship on Chinese mentality and behavior, both consciously and unconsciously. At the conscious level, the evolution of the Kitchen God beliefs has gone through four stages; Nature God, Animal God, Half-animal/Half human God, and finally Human God. The evolution of the Kitchen God in China displays the features of a couple, aging and secularization. The experience of “returning to the sacred origin” can be obtained through Kitchen God worship by burning an old paper image of the Kitchen God and pasting of a new one of him beside the kitchen stove year after year during the Kitchen God festival. The secret to continuity of life lies in repetition. The image of the Kitchen God as an important graphic symbol is formed by a constellation of images; good pot and evil pot, two dragons playing with a bead, rooster and dog, the psychological archetypes as yin and yang, unity of opposites, transformation and integration. This ritual serves as a bridge between Chinese people and their “ancestors,” “the other realm” (nirvana), and “the Self.” On an unconscious level, the psychological significance of Kitchen God beliefs is analyzed through “the family hexagram.” The collective unconscious for the Chinese can be revealed by a continuous pattern of concentric circles structure, that is, “heaven and earth—the Kitchen God—ancestors—parents—offspring.” Through a clinical case using Sandplay Therapy, this article will show that Kitchen God imagery unconsciously shows the constellation of “family.” Family is the place of belonging and home for Chinese people, helping the client return to his inner source and gain strength through acceptance and transformation. The implication of Kitchen God beliefs for today’s Chinese society is to return to the most primitive “Tao,” which presents a possible cure for many kinds of psychological problems we are facing. It suggests that researchers pay attention to the psychological phenomenon of clients’ using the Kitchen God image to express their cultural feelings toward family in psychological practice.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lin Cao

Abstract Chinese mitten crab, Eriocheir sinensis, native to the coastal streams and rivers of China, is one of the most famous and widely cultured aquatic animals in China, well-known for its special appearance and delicious taste. Pond culture of mitten crab has a long history in China and culture systems vary from extensive, semi-intensive to intensive operations. This case study describes intensive pond culture techniques of the crab in relation to broodstock management, breeding, larval nursing, grow-out and harvest.


2014 ◽  
Vol 25 (1) ◽  
pp. 4-20 ◽  
Author(s):  
Yiheng Deng ◽  
Kaibin Xu

Purpose – This paper aims to explore language strategies and techniques in Chinese mediation that are adopted by mediators to motivate and facilitate compromise among disputants. Design/methodology/approach – Ten cases were audio-recorded on the spot, transcribed for analysis in their Chinese form, and then translated into English for English readers. The translation of excerpts used in this paper to demonstrate points was double checked to ensure accuracy. Discourse analysis was adopted to explore the meanings and functions of the utterances in these excerpts. Findings – It is found that power is embedded in the mediator's position and in his/her role in the mediation. Furthermore, neutrality is less of a concern as compared to justice in the mediator's terms. Finally, socio-cultural indications of the language strategies and techniques were drawn about contemporary Chinese society. Practical implications – When dealing with Chinese people in conflict, one may emphasize common goals and bring in external reasons such as seniority, face, and status to motivate and facilitate compromise. Originality/value – Studying transcripts of cases that were recorded in real time and recently is rare in studies of Chinese mediation. Studying what people actually say provides us data in reality, in contrast to the ideals as well as what they say they do in mediation.


2020 ◽  
Vol 73 (4) ◽  
pp. 521-537
Author(s):  
Chen Hao

AbstractThe Tabgach, as a non-Chinese tribe, ruled North China from the end of 4th century to the middle of 6th century. Through a series of social reforms, Emperor Xiaowen depicted himself as a typical Chinese emperor rather than as a kaghan over the steppe people. One of the reforms he und ertook was a reform of Tabgach surnames. The Tabgach people used Chinese characters to transcribe their proper names. As Chinese characters are single-syllabic, sometimes they had to use several Chinese characters to transcribe a single Tabgach proper name. The multi-character Tabgach surnames sounded exotic to the Chinese people. In order to be accepted by Chinese society, they changed these sophisticated multi-character surnames into simple and traditional Chinese surnames. This paper is going to discuss the methods used by the reform committee in inventing Tabgach surnames.


2012 ◽  
Vol 71 (3) ◽  
pp. 705-729 ◽  
Author(s):  
Yunxiang Yan

Food-safety problems constitute a new, urgent, and multifaceted challenge to Chinese people, society, and the state, involving a number of social, political, and ethical issues beyond those of food safety, nutrition, and health. In light of Ulrich Beck's theory of risk society, this article examines food-safety problems in contemporary Chinese society at the levels of food hygiene, unsafe food, and poisonous foods and argues that food-safety problems not only affect the lives of Chinese people in harmful ways but also pose a number of manufactured risks that are difficult to calculate and control. More importantly, food-safety problems in China have contributed to a rapid decline of social trust, thus posing a risk of distrust that has far-reaching social and political ramifications. In this sense, a risk society has already arrived in China but it comes with certain local characteristics and poses some new theoretical questions.


1983 ◽  
Vol 25 (4) ◽  
pp. 617-640 ◽  
Author(s):  
Joseph Fewsmith

Voluntary associations of one sort or another were clearly an important component of traditional Chinese society. Their importance for the economy has long been recognized, and their potential political efficacy was acknowledged—albeit negatively—by the government, which prohibited gentry from forming study associations (xuehui). An earlier generation of Western observers was quick to note this facet of Chinese life. The French social scientist, Maurice Courant, declared that “the fact that dominates the Chinese life is the existence of associations,” and E. T. C. Werner, in a less scholarly vein, commented on “the tendency of the Chinese to act not singly but in groups.” As early as 1803, the American missionary S. Wells Williams had observed in a manner reminiscent of Tocqueville that the natural tendency of the Chinese people to “crystallize into associations” provided a “stimulus to activity,” which he credited with “quickening the vitality of the mass.”


Author(s):  
Titin Listiyani

Keberadaan Kelenteng Ban Eng Bio yang terletak di tengah-tengah pemukiman penduduk Tionghoa dan non Tionghoa yang berbeda agama banyak membawa pengaruh. Salah satunya adalah dalam pelaksanaan ritual yang dilakukan di Kelenteng. Pelaksanaan ritual di Kelenteng tidak hanya melibatkan masyarakat Tionghoa yang berada di sekitar Kelenteng, tetapi juga masyarakat non Tionghoa yang berada di sekitarnya. Tujuan penelitian ini adalah mengkaji bagaimana pelaksanaan ritual yang dilakukan di Kelenteng Ban Eng Bio dalam membentuk solidaritas sosial, serta bagaimana partisipasi masyarakat Tionghoa dan non Tionghoa sekitar Kelenteng dalam ritual di Kelenteng Ban Eng Bio terhadap upaya pengembangan integrasi sosial. Metode penelitian menggunakan pendekatan kualitatif. Pengumpulan data dilakukan dengan observasi, wawancara dan dokumentasi. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa pelaksanaan ritual yang dilakukan di Kelenteng melibatkan masyarakat Tionghoa dan non Tionghoa baik sebagai pendukung, pengaman maupun penonton, sehingga terjadi suatu solidaritas sosial diantara mereka. Partisipasi masyarakat non Tionghoa dan Tionghoa dapat meningkatkan integrasi sosial masyarakat khususnya di Desa Adiwerna. Keterlibatan masyarakat sekitar kelenteng khususnya masyarakat non Tionghoa dalam ritual masyarakat Tionghoa diupayakan tidak mengarah pada terjadinya percampuran agama yang dianggap bisa menumbuhkan masalah baru dalam hubungan antar umat beragama.The location of Ban Eng Bio temple in the middle of the Chinese and non-Chinese residences , with different religious backgrounds, brings many influences. One of them is the influence on the rituals performed in the temple. The implementation of the ritual in the temple does not only involve the Chinese community around the temple, but also non-Chinese communities in the surrounding areas. The objective of this reasearch is to study how rituals performed at the Ban Eng Bio temple  and the participation of non-Chinese and Chinese communities around the temple forms solidarity and social integration. The methods of research is a qualitative approach and data was collected through observation, interview and documentation. The research reveals that the rituals done in the temple involve non-Chinese and Chinese communities either as supporters, workers, or viewers, resulting in the strengthening of social solidarity among them. The participation of non-Chinese and Chinese society also improves the social integration of people, especially in the Village  of Adiwerna. The involvement of communities around the temples, especially non-Chinese people in Chinese society ritual does not lead into the mixing of religion because it can grow a new problem in inter-religious relations.


Author(s):  
Qingxiu GUO ◽  
Fengling JING ◽  
Honggang GEN

LANGUAGE NOTE | Document text in Chinese; abstract also in English.針對在中國長期爭論的安樂死問題,作者採用發放封閉式調查問卷的方法,對中國河北省保定市南市區和郊區的400名工人、農民、幹部和醫務工作者進行了調查,通過對調查結果的全面分析可以看出,主張安樂死的人以農民所佔比例最小,以醫務人員所佔比例最大;文化程度越高,對安樂死的支持比例越大;多數人主張由醫生、家屬共同決定安樂死的實施;而安樂死的執行大部分人認為應由醫生或第三者進行;而且多數人主張實施安樂死必須立法。本文以該調查結果為基礎,進一步對中國大陸人對於安樂死的態度、看法及價值選擇情況進行了分析與探討,說明了中國傳統文化對大陸人安樂死態度的深刻影響。This essay analyzes the major outcomes of a survey that we conducted on 400 Chinese individuals of different ages, occupations and levels of education. Our method was to send to every subject a specifically designed form in which the subject faces three types of cases: the terminally ill cancer patient, the persistent-vegetative-state patient, and the severely defected newborn. The subject was required to make a choice among (1) offering treatment at any cost, (2) giving comfort treatment only, and (3) performing euthanasia. Although the survey was made in 1987, new evidence shows that its outcomes remain an accurate index of the Chinese values regarding the matter of euthanasia.The survey indicates that a great proportion of Chinese peasants do not support performing euthanasia in the given three cases. 45.5 percent of the peasant subjects advocate treatment at any cost. Only 27 percent of them accept euthanasia. In contrast, many more workers, government employees, and medical professionals living in urban areas support euthanasia. This contrast, from our perspective, demonstrates the significant influence of traditional Chinese values on life and death in the rural areas of China. According to the popular traditional values, life in this world is sacred and death should be avoided at any cost. Although such ideas have been significantly discredited in the urban areas, they are still heavily influential in the rural areas.However, given that only 44 peasants participated in our survey, we do not believe that, based on this survey, we can draw a general conclusion about what percent of the Chinese peasants support or oppose euthanasia. We need more detailed investigation regarding this issue.The most interesting outcome of this survey is that only about 26 percent of the subjects think that the patient him/herself should decide whether or not to accept euthanasia. 55 percent of the subjects believe that the matter should be decided by the family and the physician. The Western reader might be shocked by this outcome. After all, what is at stake is the matter of life or death of the patient. However, this outcome is no surprise for us. Whereas individualism (with strong emphasis on self-determination) is a basic feature of Western society, familism (with a clear orientation of family-determination) characterizes everyday Chinese lives. Familism, as the foundational ideology and value of Chinese people, has gone through the history of Chinese society for about three thousand years. The Chinese individual takes it for granted that one’s family is an automatic unit apart from the rest of society. Everyone is born to a family, is brought up in a family, and lives one's life inseparably from the family. Hence the medical problems of one family member are usually taken as the problems of the entire family. According to Chinese values, when one family member falls ill, the entire family should be involved in making decisions and taking actions in the best interests of that member.Why not allow the individual patient to make an exclusive decision on the matter of euthanasia for him/herself? Chinese people are afraid that, if this is allowed, patients may very well demand euthanasia primarily for the sake of reducing the economic and spiritual burden of their families in taking care of them. Most Chinese believe that the best decision on euthanasia can only be made by the family in consideration of the physician's information and/or suggestion. This is why 55 percent of the subjects in this survey supported the united determination made by the family and physician.Does this imply that the family and physician are allowed to accept euthanasia on behalf of the patient without consulting the patient even when the patient is competent? The answer is definitely no. The family would not accept euthanasia for a family member unless the member clearly demands it. In reality, Chinese euthanasia practices occur only upon the frequent and strong requests of the patients. However, given the possibility of abuse, it should be made very clear that morality requires that euthanasia may not be performed on any competent patient unless it is demanded by the patient. In China, it should be a unanimous decision made by the family, the physician, and the patient (if competent).DOWNLOAD HISTORY | This article has been downloaded 39 times in Digital Commons before migrating into this platform.


2016 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 55
Author(s):  
Umilia Rokhani ◽  
Aprinus Salam ◽  
Ida Rochani-Adi

AbstrakKe-“tionghoa”-an  senantiasa menjadi hal yang dipermasalahkan di Indonesia. Hal ini mengacu pada identitas ke-“tionghoa”-an yang selalu  diformulasikan oleh masyarakat Indonesia, baik oleh masyarakat Tionghoa  itu sendiri maupun masyarakat non-Tionghoa. Upaya formulasi tersebut dimunculkan melalui berbagai wacana yang muncul baik perdebatan publik maupun berbagai karya mengenai kehidupan masyarakat Tionghoa di Indonesia seperti dalam film. Metode yang dipakai mempergunakan pendekatan konstruktivisme sosial. Dalam hal ini, makna-makna subjektif dikaji atas pengalaman-pengalaman kehidupan masyarakat Tionghoa di Indonesia melalui representasi film indie. Representasi tersebut dikaji tidak hanya melalui  makna karya semata, tetapi juga mempertimbangkan unsur sejarah sebagai salah satu penentu alat produksi dan reproduksi. Hal ini dilakukan dengan tujuan agar diperoleh gambaran latar belakang yang kompleks mengenai kondisi historikal dan kultural kehidupan masyarakat Tionghoa di Indonesia. Gambaran yang kompleks tersebut akan membantu dalam menafsirkan makna-makna yang terkandung dalam karya film indie sebagai suatu hasil produksi dan reproduksi dari gambaran kehidupan masyarakat Tionghoa sebenarnya. Identitas masyarakat Tionghoa di Indonesia terbentuk baik dari pandangan eksternal maupun internal, sudut pandang formal maupun informal. Sudut pandang eksternal dilihat dari sisi luar masyarakat Tionghoa, sedangkan sudut pandang internal merupakan sudut pandang masyarakat Tionghoa membentuk jati dirinya sendiri. Identitas yang dibentuk secara formal terkait dengan peraturan perundangan yang diberlakukan di Indonesia sedangkan secara informal merupakan identitas yang dikembangkan melalui kolaborasi budaya bersifat mana suka (arbitrerness) yang pada akhirnya membentuk identitas baru yang tumbuh dari konteks ruang-antara masyarakat Tionghoa di Indonesia. Abstract The Reconstruction of Tionghoaness Identity in Indonesian Indie Movies in the Era of Post-Suharto. ‘Being a Chinese’ has always been an issue in Indonesia. It refers to the identities of ‘being a Chinese’ that were formulated by Indonesian people, both by the half-Chinese Indonesians and non half-Chinese Indonesians. The efforts in formulating those identities were mediated by various discourses found in public debates and works of arts represented the Chinese society life in Indonesia, such as in films. In this research, the social constructivism approach was applied. The experiences in life traversed by the Chinese society in Indonesia depicted in indie movies were studied to get the subjective meanings. The representations were not scrutinized merely from the meaning, but also by considering the historical aspects as, among others, the determinant factor of the means of production and reproduction. It was carried out to get the full picture of complicated background about the historical and cultural conditions of the Chinese people in Indonesia. The complicated depiction will be very beneficial in interpreting the meanings of the indie movies as a result of production and reproduction of the real life experienced by the Chinese society. The identity of Chinese people in Indonesia was shaped by the internal and external perspectives, by the formal and non formal point of views. The external point of view was the one given by the non Chinese people, whereas the internal was how the Chinese view themselves. The formally built identity was related to the laws applied in Indonesia. Arbitrary cultural collaborations informally developed the new Chinese identity that grew from the spatial contexts between the Chinese people in Indonesia. 


1999 ◽  
Vol 157 ◽  
pp. 173-201 ◽  
Author(s):  
Daniel C. Lynch

Since the summer of 1993, the Chinese central party-state has been engaged in a vigorous campaign to reassert control over “thought work,” or the flow of communications messages into and through Chinese society. The chief features of this sustained, omnidirectional crackdown – much more ambitious in scope than earlier, episodic crackdowns such as the 1983–84 “Campaign Against Spiritual Pollution” and 1987 “Campaign Against Bourgeois Liberalization” – include limitations on access to foreign Internet websites; restrictions on satellite television reception; efforts to suppress the surging tide of pornographic and other “bad” print publications; and many other measures aimed at curtailing the circulation of heterodox ideas and images in China. The underlying strategic goal is to restore the Centre's control over the “environment of symbols” from which Chinese people derive many of their most important world views, values and action strategies to pursue interests. If central party-state leaders can resume control over the symbolic environment, they seem to believe they will be much more able to maintain political stability and direct Chinese society towards the achievement of a variety of more specific goals, including reduced crime and corruption, the reform of state-owned enterprises, and the abatement of environmental degradation. On the other hand, a continued haemorrhaging of control over thought work would not only make current problems worse, but could over time facilitate the formation of a semi-autonomous, critical public opinion.


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