scholarly journals Dual Effects of Democracy Promotion: Evidence from International Election Observation Data of Myanmar’s General Elections

2020 ◽  
Vol 02 (02) ◽  
pp. 2050012
Author(s):  
Xiang Wu

Since the 1990s, international election observation, as an important way of election monitoring, has become increasingly active on the international stage. By inviting international election observation missions (IEOMs) to conduct election monitoring, the nascent democracies not only hope to promote democracy and enhance its legitimacy, but also tend to reduce international sanctions and improve relations with the West. The international election observation of Myanmar’s two general elections in 2010 and 2015 is an important sample to observe Myanmar’s democratic process and its interaction with the international community. IEOMs in Myanmar have witnessed diverse situations from being rejected to being invited, from being independently observed to participating and from slamming elections to praising them. In the 2015 general elections, IEOMs had an important impact on Myanmar’s democratic transition, but in essence, their limitations were only surrounding the election-related matters. The work done by many international election observation organizations has been limited to the procedural level of democracy, and could not help Myanmar to further the institution-building. General elections in Myanmar are due in 2020. Currently, many IEOMs have traveled to Myanmar for election observation, but it is yet to be decided whether it will contribute to good governance in Myanmar.

2020 ◽  
Vol 39 (2) ◽  
pp. 310-331
Author(s):  
Muhamad Takiyuddin Ismail ◽  
Norazam Mohd Noor

Malaysia has not invited International Election Monitoring Organisations (IEMOs) for any of its general elections (GEs) since 1990 and so is numbered among those states that defy this international norm. Although the elections under the Barisan Nasional (BN) regime displayed a wide variety of manipulative practices, the BN was able, due to its position as a semi-authoritarian nature, its strategic importance and its lack of dependence on foreign aid, to successfully resist demands for the presence of IEMOs. The prospects for IEMOs has been further reduced, since the GE 2013, by the Election Commission’s “election visit programme” (EVP), adopted to compensate for the absence of IEMOs. Following Malaysia’s historic GE 2018, a widespread consensus has developed that though Malaysia should not abandon its own EVP programme, it should readopt this international norm by inviting IEMOs. This is especially needed considering the amateurish state of domestic election monitoring in Malaysia.


2009 ◽  
Vol 63 (4) ◽  
pp. 765-787 ◽  
Author(s):  
Judith Kelley

AbstractAs international election monitors have grown active worldwide, their announcements have gained influence. Sometimes, however, they endorse highly flawed elections. Because their leverage rests largely on their credibility, this is puzzling. Understanding the behavior of election monitors is important because they help the international community to evaluate the legitimacy of governments and because their assessments inform the data used by scholars to study democracy. Furthermore, election monitors are also particularly instructive to study because the variety of both intergovernmental and nongovernmental organizations that observe elections makes it possible to compare them across many countries and political contexts. This study uses a new dataset of 591 international election-monitoring missions. It shows that despite their official mandate to focus on election norms, monitors do not only consider the elections' quality; their assessments also reflect the interests of their member states or donors as well as other tangential organizational norms. Thus, even when accounting as best as possible for the nature and level of irregularities in an election, monitors' concerns about democracy promotion, violent instability, and organizational politics and preferences are associated with election endorsement. The study also reveals differences in the behavior of intergovernmental and nongovernmental organizations and explains why neither can pursue their core objectives single-mindedly.


2011 ◽  
Vol 49 (2) ◽  
pp. 241-262 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alexander Boniface Makulilo

ABSTRACTThe unfolding of the Third Wave of democracy cast a mounting weight on election observation in transition countries, partly due to the inability of regimes in power to conduct free and fair elections. However, observation is not always neutral. Sometimes observers distance themselves from the data they collect, leading to controversial certification of elections. In this case stakeholders may view them as partial, hence downsizing their credibility and trust. Yet observers' reports have rarely been reviewed. This article evaluates three reports by the leading election observer in Tanzania, the Tanzania Election Monitoring Committee (TEMCO) for the 1995, 2000 and 2005 general elections. It notes that despite the prevalence of the same factors that TEMCO considered as irregularities in the 1995 and 2000 general elections when it certified those elections as ‘free but not fair’, it issued a ‘clean, free and fair’ verdict on the 2005 general elections. This conclusion, at variance from the data, reveals problems in assuring observer neutrality.


SAGE Open ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 215824402110067
Author(s):  
Babayo Sule ◽  
Usman Sambo ◽  
Abdulkadir Ahmed ◽  
Muhammad Yusuf

Civil society organizations have played a pivotal role in democratization process in Nigeria since the advent of the Fourth Republic. They have greatly helped in the success of the 2015 and 2019 General Elections through pre-election, during election, and in post-election monitoring and advocacy. This article, therefore, examined the role of the Nigerian Civil Society Situation Room (NCSSR) in improving the election in Nigeria during the 2015 and 2019 General Elections. While many civil societies flourished recently in Nigeria, their role toward democratization and facilitating credible election remain insignificant until in the 2015 and 2019 General Elections where their activities helped immensely the process of a credible election. A Civil Society as the Third Tier of Government framework was adopted as a theoretical explanation of the context of the work. The research used a qualitative case study method of data collection where informants consisting of members of NCSSR, Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), and academicians were selected for the interview and Focus Group Discussion. The total number selected was 16 from the three identified categories. The research discovered that the NCSSR aided the process and fairness of the 2015 and 2019 General Elections through proper monitoring, civic voter education, active collaboration with electoral body (INEC), and collaboration with international donor agencies through what they called “Civil Society Situation Room” which consist of more than 60 registered civil societies. The research recommends that civil societies should be empowered with constitutional backing and independent funding to enable them carry out their responsibilities adequately. Also, the article recommends that the electoral body (INEC) should liaise more and cooperate with civil societies to enable them conduct good and credible elections in future.


2020 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 49-95 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tarunabh Khaitan

AbstractMany concerned citizens, including judges, bureaucrats, politicians, activists, journalists, and academics, have been claiming that Indian democracy has been imperilled under the premiership of Narendra Modi, which began in 2014. To examine this claim, the Article sets up an analytic framework for accountability mechanisms liberal democratic constitutions put in place to provide a check on the political executive. The assumption is that only if this framework is dismantled in a systemic manner can we claim that democracy itself is in peril. This framework helps distinguish between actions that one may disagree with ideologically but are nonetheless permitted by an elected government, from actions that strike at the heart of liberal democratic constitutionalism. Liberal democratic constitutions typically adopt three ways of making accountability demands on the political executive: vertically, by demanding electoral accountability to the people; horizontally, by subjecting it to accountability demands of other state institutions like the judiciary and fourth branch institutions; and diagonally, by requiring discursive accountability by the media, the academy, and civil society. This framework assures democracy over time – i.e. it guarantees democratic governance not only to the people today, but to all future peoples of India. Each elected government has the mandate to implement its policies over a wide range of matters. However, seeking to entrench the ruling party’s stranglehold on power in ways that are inimical to the continued operation of democracy cannot be one of them. The Article finds that the first Modi government in power between 2014 and 2019 did indeed seek to undermine each of these three strands of executive accountability. Unlike the assault on democratic norms during India Gandhi’s Emergency in the 1970s, there is little evidence of a direct or full-frontal attack during this period. The Bharatiya Janata Party government’s mode of operation was subtle, indirect, and incremental, but also systemic. Hence, the Article characterizes the phenomenon as “killing a constitution by a thousand cuts.” The incremental assaults on democratic governance were typically justified by a combination of a managerial rhetoric of efficiency and good governance (made plausible by the undeniable imperfection of our institutions) and a divisive rhetoric of hyper-nationalism (which brands political opponents of the party as traitors of the state). Since its resounding victory in the 2019 general elections, the Modi government appears to have moved into consolidation mode. No longer constrained by the demands of coalition partners, early signs suggest that it may abandon the incrementalist approach for a more direct assault on democratic constitutionalism.


2010 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 511-527 ◽  
Author(s):  
Susan D. Hyde

Randomized field experiments have gained attention within the social sciences and the field of democracy promotion as an influential tool for causal inference and a potentially powerful method of impact evaluation. With an eye toward facilitating field experimentation in democracy promotion, I present the first field-experimental study of international election monitoring, which should be of interest to both practitioners and academics. I discuss field experiments as a promising method for evaluating the effects of democracy assistance programs. Applied to the 2004 presidential elections in Indonesia, the random assignment of international election observers reveals that even though the election was widely regarded as democratic, the presence of observers had a measurable effect on votes cast for the incumbent candidate, indicating that such democracy assistance can influence election quality even in the absence of blatant election-day fraud.


This study reviews the recent quantitative and qualitative evidence on the need to develop our natural environments for creative and leisure purposes. Previous studies described the problem of tourism to be a universal one, as virtually all countries are faced with the problem of providing inadequate tourism for their citizens. In Nigeria urban centres the tourism conditions were not properly documented. The study investigated the tourism condition in Lagos, Nigeria. The study observed that tourism condition in the nation is presently not provided for all citizenry. The need of the majority was not considered while some of the existing few are in deplorable condition. Previous literatures reviewed shows that almost 75 percent of tourist centres are for children meaning they lack creative environment. This paper also attempts to discuss in detail the little infrastructural evidences that exists in tourism. Fifteen centres were selected and eight were investigated in this study. The study discuss the consistency of findings across Lagos State, using different methodological approaches with consideration to the major key compares the magnitudes of developing natural environment. The study adopted questionnaire as the tool for the investigation, the tool was randomly administered after which the outcomes were analysed with the use of Statistical Package for the Social Sciences, SPSS version 16. Furthermore, aside that personal observation data was also recorded. The study identifies the emerging policy, business opportunity strategy and activities for good governance and better environment. Service provider should be willing to create the inspiration garden in other to have a greater benefits and more patronage. Since most of the centres investigated are static in nature, the study suggested that in the future, research should focus on the analysis of respondent welfare in a dynamic sense.


2019 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 92-112
Author(s):  
Andreas Noviyanto ◽  
Titin Rohayatin ◽  
Lukman Munawar Fauzi

The implementation of public services at the Department of Population and Civil Registration of Bekasi Regency has not been optimal. If public services in the Department of Population and Civil Registration are seen from the implementation of the principles of Good Governance, such as aspects of accountability, transparency, and participation, they are still not optimal. This study uses a descriptive method with a qualitative approach. Observation data collection techniques and interviews with several informants related to research. The results of the study, which led to the implementation of the principles of Good Governance in population administration services at the Population and Civil Registration Service, have not run optimally, judging from the accountability of the mismatch between implementation and operational standards (SOP), as well as unclear service completion, not timely in providing services to the community. When viewed from the transparency aspect of the lack of availability regarding population administration services, the Department of Population and Civil Registration has not maximally used the official website in providing information to the public. And from the last aspect, namely participation, the community has not been fully involved in providing criticism and suggestions and the community is not involved in evaluating services. Keywords: Good Governance Principles, Accountability, Transparency, Participation, Population Administration Services


2015 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mohd Azizuddin Mohd Sani

Media, Liberty and Politics in Malaysia: Comparative Studies on Local Dynamics and Regional Concernsis based on a collection of twelve academic papers. This book traces the development and progress of Malaysia as a nation that embraces issues of media, liberty and politics as essential parts of its culture, policy and well-being of the people. In between the 2008 and the 2013 General Elections, Malaysians have transformed themselves and demanded to form a more democratic society. Issues of political freedom, human rights, good governance and human dignity have become important and will determine the future of the Malaysian society. Besides, this book also tries to compare democratic practices in Malaysia with its neighbours such as Indonesia, Thailand and Australia, plus the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) as an organisation to promote democratisation and strong ties between its members. This book is suitable for all particularly the academics, students of politics and international relations, journalists, legal practitioners, and the general public who are interested in the issues of media, liberty and politics in Malaysia.


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